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NOONDAY EXIGENCIES 

IN 

AMERICA. 



<WITH AN APPENDIX, TO BE READ IN ADVANCE OP THE TEXT, IN 

THE PERUSAL OF THESE PAGES, BY ALL SUCH INATTENTIVE 

PERSONS AS MAY HAVE BEEN, SOME YEARS AGO, IN THE 

HABIT OF READING WITH EYES ASKANT.) 



HINTON ROWAN HELPER, 

Of Nortli Carolina ; Author of "The Impending Crisis of the South, 

"Nojoque," "The Negroes in Negroland," and other 

Writings (all Consistent and Harmonious with Each 

Other,) in Behalf of a Freer, Whiter and 

Higher Civilization in the New World. 



Truth, though as old as time itself, is also a thing of new growth : and new 
truths, having their birth in the exquisite twitchings of mental labor, are the 
most precious and immortal of all new-born babes.— Schiller. 



< 



NEW YORK: 

BIBLE BROTHERS, I'uToIisliers, 

75 Bleecker St., 2 doors West of Broadway. 
1871. 



EKrERBB according to Act of Congrefs, !n tlie year one thousand eight lincdred and seventy-one, by 

HINTOX ROWAN HELPER, 

in the Office of the Libraruw of Congress, at V?a biiigton. 



Kennaeo & Hay, 

Printers, 
Liberty Street, X. Y. 



1M 






u 



DEDICATION. 



©0 
THE MIND AND THE MUSCLE, 

AND TO 

THE MORALS, OF AMERICA, 

AS NOW IN DREAD- OF 

THE MASTERY OF MONEY, 

THIS 

WORK, WRITTEN, FOR THE MOST PART, 

IN 

ADVOCACY OP THE FORMATION 

or 

A NEW AND BETTER POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, 

IS 

RESPECTPULLY DEDICATED. 



PREFACE 



As a measure favorable to the homogeneity and the 
general welfare of our Eepublic, an amicable and ab- 
solute opening up of all parts of the South to white 
immigration from the North and from Europe, has 
been one of my uppermost desires for the last dozen 
years. It was in special obedience to the impulses of 
this desire, that I went -to the ^N'orth in the Summer 
of 1S69, — where I had frequently gone before, and 
have frequently gone since, with the same objects in 
view. One of my collateral efforts to establish a better 
basis for final success in the matter here mentioned, 
may be found in the following copy of a communica- 
tion which, while then in the city of E'ew York, I ad- 
dressed to Mr. Wm. J. Jessup, President of the Xew 
York State Workingmen's Association : 

New York, July 13, 1869. 
Dear Sir : To every American of ordinary intelligence 
and foresight, who is actuated by the high impulses of 
candor and patriotism, it is alarmingly apparent that al- 
most all financial and political power in this country is 
now being rapidly and surreptitiously concentrated into 
the hands of a very small numl^er of our people, and that 
this baneful course of events, if not speedily checked, 
will inevitably give irresponsible and inexorable master- 
ship to the few, and entail galling and grovelling vassal- 
age on the many. 

5 



VI PREFACE. 

Very soon, indeed, must we liave a complete change 
for the better in the administration of all onr public 
affairs, or else in less than ten years from to-day seven- 
eigiiths of our people will luwe fallen victims to a worse 
tyranny than that which has recently driven and is still 
driving millions of good men from the monarchical and 
military despotisms of the Old World. 

For this seriously unfortunate condition of things 
among us I hold that both of the political parties now in 
existence — the pro-negro Radical party and the pro- 
slavery Democratic party — are about equally responsible ; 
and I hold further, that, since the deplorable death of the 
Republican party by vile absorption into the Radical 
ranks nearly three years ago, there has not been in the 
United States any party worthy of the support of those 
vast multitudes of our countrymen in every section of 
the Union who are controlled by enlightened sentiments 
and upright motives. Profoundly impressed with this 
conviction, I have elaborated my views upon the subject 
in a paper entitled " The Necessity for the Formation, 
and Suggestions for some of the Bases, of a New Political 
Party." 

In regard to the best method, time, and place for bring- 
ing the contents of the paper here mentioned before the 
public (provided the contents in the main meet your ap- 
probation,) I seek conference with a committee of at least 
three earnest and prudent members of your association, 
and would be glad if you yourself would be one of the 
committee. I respectfully request, therefore, that you 
will do me the honor to name such committee, to meet 
and confer Avith me accordingly ; and I ask this of you 
in your representative capacity with all the more confi- 
dence because it has been my endeavor to show how in- 
sidiously and effectively, and hoAv generally withal, mone- 
tary and political power are now being wielded to under- 
mine the dearest rights and interests of the workingmen 
and working-women of our country. 

As for the several points to which I thus solicit your 
attention, I have here neither time nor space to mention 
them; only for the present, I would offer for your reflec- 



PREFACE. Vii 

tion the facts in a single issue — that of immigration, or 
rather the lack of immigration, to the Southern States. 
Before the war slavery and the Democratic party vvere 
the great Chinese walls that debarred IS^orthern and 
European emigrants from settling in the South. Fu]ly 
satisfied in my own mind that both of these walls were 
fit only to be battered down, I did what I could to raze 
them to the ground ; and most heartily and constantly 
do I thank God for anything and everything that I may 
have been enabled to do to that end. 

I wanted to see the Southern States, like the Northern 
States, filled up, or filling up, with white people, and with 
white people only, so that they might become in every re- 
spect homogeneous, prosperous, and progressive. This is 
what I am still longing to see ; it is what I have long labored 
for ; in truth, it is one of the principal objects that has influ- 
enced me in addressing you this communication. But 
the irrational and fanatical leaders of the Radical party 
and their black and barbarous minions have erected, be- 
tween the North and the South, as barriers against civil- 
ization and progress, Ethiopian walls far more formidable 
and repulsive than Chinese walls ; and the consequence 
is that you, and millions of other worthy white citizens, 
are still restrained from establishing your homes in the 
South — a great part of which is, by nature, the garden 
spot of the American continent — and what is yet worse, 
this unnatural and unjust condition of restraint is ren- 
dered prospective for you and for your children forever. 

That the colossal walls and bulwarks which the Radi- 
cals have most unfairly and foolishly built in the interest 
of negroes, are quite as difficult to overleap as those which 
the Democrats built in the special interests of slavery, 
and that all these walls and bulwarks have uniformly 
served with equal force and effect to fence out and keep 
cut from the South white emigrants from whatever part of 
tlie world is, as it seems to^me, unequivocally shown in 
the following table : 



VJll 



PilEFACE. 



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X PEEFACE. 

I miglit have given similar statistics for each and every 
State in the Union; but the doing so, in this connection, 
would have swollen the table into undue proportions. As 
it is, the facts already given here, in regard to only fifteen 
out of thirty-six States, afford abundant bases for several 
pages of significant and Aveighty comment, but this is 
now no fit time to make it. If so inclined, let every 
member of your association, each for himself, interchange 
and compare fact with fact, and if he has sufficient leisure, 
he may spend one or two hours very usefully in this way. 
Suffice it to say that, v/ithin the last forty years, more 
than five millions of European emigrants (who brought 
with them, in addition to the instincts, industries, and re- 
finements of a high civilization, upvrards of six liundred 
millions of dollars in specie) have settled in the Northern 
and Western States, and that, during the same time, only 
about fifty thousand of such emigrants haA^e settled in the 
Southern States ! Here we have, standing out before us 
in bold relief, the particulars of another of those numer- 
ous and astounding contrasts which, many years ago, 
were brought into existence between the great and glorious 
white freedom of the Xorth and the degrading and des- 
picable black slavery of tlie South. 

But even greater disadvantages and troubles, of a public 
nature, are yet unmentioned. Through the gross incom- 
petency and corruption of the Radical part}^, a majority 
of the Southern States, especially those that have most 
negroes in them, are still so agitated, chaotic, and uninvit- 
ing, that, whereas white emigrants from the North and 
from Europe ought now to be pouring into them by the 
hundreds of thousands, they are but tardily finding their 
way there by the score. The v>diole tendency of this per- 
turbed and ill-omened condition of things' is to rendei 
the heterogeneousness of the South a perpetual and in- 
curable festering sore upon the body pohtic. • It threatens 
us on the one hand, with a worse than an Ireland, a 
Poland, or a Hungary, and on the other, with a viler than 
a Mexico, a Jamaica, or a San Domingo. 

Impelled by the sincere and anxious hope of being able 
to co-operate with you and with others in avertinsr at least 



PREFACE. XI 

some of the impending calamities thus hastily and imper- 
fectly foreshadowed, I have, in this manner, thought it 
proper to request your examination of the above men- 
tioned paper, Avherein I have essayed to point out perils, 
and propose preventatives worthy of the careful considera- 
tion of every vigilant and right-minded American. With 
full faith in all the sentiments here expressed and im- 
plied, and with solemn apprehensions that the honor and 
the general welfare of the masses of our jDeople were never 
before jeopardized to so great an extent in time of peace, 
I respectfully await the action of any committee whom 
you may be pleased to appoint to confer with me. 

Hiis^To^" EowAi^ Helper. 

A few weeks afterward, (in the month of August, 
1869,) Mr. Jessup laid the foregoing communication 
before the National Labor Convention at Philadelphia ; 
and at his request, the paper was referred to a special 
committee of live, consisting of James C. Sylvis, of 
Pennsylvania ; James Carr, of 'New York ; W. J. 
McLaughlin, of Massachusetts ; Sigfried Meyer, of 
JSTew York ; and Halliburton T. Walker, of Alabama. 
These gentlemen, after taking a general survey of 
many of the more weighty questions involved, and 
finding that the Convention was soon to adjourn, asked 
for extra time, which was granted ; — and they are to 
bring forward their report at the next annual session of 
the Convention. Meanwhile, it affords me much pleasure 
thus to be able to present, to each member of the Com- 
mittee, and to others concerned in freeing themselves 
from the hampering inliuences of antiquated and cor- 
rupt organizations, this printed essay on certain pub- 
lic considerations and interests which, in the opinion 
of the writer, should now be deemed of paramount 
importance by all those who feel that henceforth it 
will be possible for them to give full and judicious 
exercise to their patriotism only within the precincts 
of a new and better, a more natural and defendable, 
political party. 



Xll PREFACE. 

JN'oTE. — Scarcely will tliis work be issued from tlie 
press before I slia'll have embarked on a long and per- 
ilous voyage to the southern hemisphere ; and not only 
a voyage, of from seven to eight thousand miles, over 
the Atlantic ocean, but also a journey, going and re- 
turning, of nearly four thousand miles, over the plains 
and woodlands of the Argentine Eepublic, and the 
mountains and valleys of Bolivia. 1 may or may not 
live to return to the United States. Wherever or 
whenever I may be called upon to quit the world, 
some of the happiest reflections of my last moments 
will be mingled with gratitude to God, that I ha^'e 
thus been endowed with life and health and strength 
to leave, as a sort of legacy to my countrymen, this 
just and timely protest against the glaring incompe- 
tency and corruption of the men, of both the Eadical 
and Democratic parties, who now control our National 
and State Legislatures. 

II. E. H. 

Wakm Springs, 

Madison County, 
North Carolina, 

February 27, 18T1. 



COH"TEK"TS 



CHAPTER I. 

Page 

The Necessity for tlie Formation, and Suggestions for some 

of the Bases, of a New Political Party, 15 

CHAPTER II. 

The Unwisdom and Futility of Political Warfare against 
Nature, 79 

CHAPTER III. 
Paleontology, 114 

CHAPTER IV. 

State Statistics and National Numbers ; and what they Show 
of the Material, Mental and Moral Progress of the Various 
Communities and Divisions of the American People, 153 

Appendix,. . , 197 



CHAPTEE I. 



THE 

NECESSITY FOR THE FORMATION", 

AND 

SUGGESTIONS FOR SOME OF THE BASES, 

OF 

A NEW POLITICAL PARTY. 

Fifty of the best men among us are likely to have fifty opinions on a single 
question.— Froude. 

The writer of this pamphlet feels a strong convic- 
tion, — a conviction that is strengthening with every 
day's experience, — that, in the immediate future, the 
highest and best interests of our country can be pre- 
served and promoted only under a new and better 
political party, which, unlike the two parties now be- 
fore the country, will be free from all pernicious 
pledges and demoralizing antecedents. This, as it 
seems to me, should be a party with a new name ; a 
party that would effectually and prudently shun the 
Scylla of Secession Democracy on the one hand, and 
the Charybdis of Ethiopian Radicalism on the other. 
I respectfully submit, then, that it is particularly 
desirable and important, that some such party as is 
here suggested should be formed at an early day, as a 
basis for the action, throughout the nation, of all good 
and true men. 

15 



16 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

It is certain that, in every section of our country,, 
there are thousands of patriots, many of them formerly 
of the old Whig party, but more recently of the Ee- 
publican party^ and opposed, from first to last, to 
slavery, secession and war, and also opposed to en- 
forced equality with negroes, w^ho will never again 
vote either the Democratic or the Radical ticket. 
These patriots, at the last Presidential election, voted, 
if they voted at all, the mixed ticket (which was in- 
differently and feebly known as Conservative,) simply 
as a choice between two evils. As for the Democratic 
party proper, it has made so many grievous blunders^ 
and has been the subject of so much merited animad- 
version, that it may be safely assumed our people will 
never again entrust it with national power. Xor 
ought it to be so entrusted. 

In party nomenclature, the term Democrat, like the 
term Whig, must henceforth be, or soon begin to be, 
a thing of the past. 'Nov will the term Conservative 
do. It is too old-fashioned and unprogressive ; too 
tame and unmeaning ; and too devoid of those electri- 
fying elements of popularity which, in all cases of this 
kind, should be relied on to awaken and develop a 
noble enthusiasm. A new name that will represent 
new life and sound principles ; a name that will prop- 
erly characterize an organization made up of the better 
materials of both the parties now in existence ; a name 
that will be suggestiv^e of a speedy and thorough cor- 
rection of all the evils of the incompetent and corrupt 
legislation under which we are now suffering ; a name 
of such peculiar fitness and potency that we may con- 
fidently expect to achieve by it, at the polls, successes 
which will duly secure to us a great Present and a 
glorious Future, — a name of this sort is what is now 
particularly and pressingly needed. What shall the 
name be ? I will not now weaken the importance ot 
this question by attempting to answer it myself ; but 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. IT 

if a name which has occurred to me as one that might 
be wisely and effectively adopted shall, at a proper 
time and place, be requested, as at least worthy of 
suggestion, I shall have no hesitation in making it 
known. The name recently assumed by the working- 
men — the Workingmen's party — may do very well ; 
but, as it seems to me, a broader and better one might 
be easily found. 

That great prudence should be exercised in select- 
ing a new-party name (a name as suitable and unassail- 
able as possible,) as the signal demanding a redress of 
grievances, may be inferred from an opinion once ex- 
pressed by Daniel Webster, who, in the course of his 
great speech, in 1833, on " The Constitution not a 
Compact between Sovereign States," exclaimed : 

" Was it Mirabeau, or some other master of tlie liuman passions, 
Avho has told us that words are things ? They are indeed things, 
and things of mighty influence, not only in addresses to the pas- 
sions and high-wrought feelings of mankind, but in the discussion 
of legal and political questions also; because a just conclusion is 
often avoided, or a false one reached, by the adroit substitution of 
one phrase, or one word for another." 

It may be correctly affirmed, therefore, that a good 
name is a sort of primary desideratum for a good and 
great party. Let the name to which allusion is here 
made be found, and let the party be formed without 
delay ; for, in many of the questions which are now 
coming up for discussion and decision, are involved 
considerations of the greatest possible moment to the 
whole of America, and to more than one of the other 
continents. 

Now to a statement of some of the grounds of in- 
voluntary and just dissatisfaction with both the Demo- 
cratic and Radical parties. What are the grievances 
complained of? Wherein consists the necessity for a new 
political organization ? Our past experience, as a nation^ 
answers these questions fully as agSinst the Democratic 



18 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

party ; and our present condition answers tliem witli 
equal fullness as against the Radical party. Let me 
here limn before my readers the present condition of 
the laboring classes at the North ; and, in doing this, 
I propose to shiver in advance the shafts of criticism, 
by quoting only from such newspapers and persons as 
advocated the election of General Grant. Says the 
New York Times, under date of March 9, 1869 : 

" Three-fiftlis of the skilled laborers of this city are working for 
less than a sum sufficient to sustain an average family in decent 
condition. While a few workingmen, through the operations of 
their strong and active trades' unions have advanced their wages to 
a paying standard, and a few others have by the same means 
secured living wages, the general condition of the masses is one of 
want and suffering. Then it must be reflected also that there are 
many thousands of these classes without any employment what- 
ever. It is not within the scope of these articles to show the de- 
plorable condition of these however. Our purpose has been to 
show that the condition of the industrious mechanics in active 
employment is annually growing worse, and consequently more 
-dangerous socially." 

Says the New York Tribune, under date of the 26th 
of December last : 

" We presume that not less than 200,000 persons are now within 
sight of our city steeples who have no work, no real homes, and 
no means which insure them a livelihood. When ice begins to 
form on the rivers, the business of our city suddenly and seriously 
contracts, throwing tens of thousands out of employment, and, 
just at this time, tens of thousands more are discharged from 
farms, or from country residences closed for the winter, and drift 
down to our pavements in search of situations which cannot be 
given. The net result is an aggregate of want, squalor, misein/ and 
degradation fearful to contemplate." 

Says the New York Herald, under date of April 
11, 1869 : 

" The worst has not been told yet. A large number of our 
people inhabit cellars and some of the filthiest, dirtiest holes, 
where one would suppose not even a dog could stand the mias- 
matic effluvia for fifteeu minutes. The following revelations are 
astounding : Dr. Elisha Harris, the present Superintendent of the 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 19 

Board of Health, — inquiry liaving been made directly of him, — 
stated that he had no precise data from which to give the exact 
number of cellars Inhabited in this city, but/?'^m ths best informa- 
tio7i he was aUe to gather he estimated the numher of cellars in- 
habited at 18,000, and that, on an average, each of these cellars may 
06 rated as lodging seven persons, which would give a cellar popula- 
tion in New York of 126,000 / The larger portion of these cellar* 
are perfect sinks of filth, and a majority of them have no outlet 
whatever to the rear, and many not even a window except what 
has been cut in the door, admitting a ray or two of dim light re- 
flected through a musty atmosphere from piles of rubbish and 
manure on the street. In many cases, these cellars are tenanted 
by the most degraded and ignorant, where negroes, Chinese and 
whites of all sexes, ages and pursuits, from the beggar to the 
murderer, are found living together." 

David A. Wells, our late Commissioner of Internal 
Eeveniie, in one of his reports on the financial affairs 
of the country, presents overwhelming proofs of the 
fact that, " while the aggregate wealth of the country 
is increasing as rapidly as at any former period, the 
distribution of such increase is most unequal among 
the people ; that under the system of inflated currency, 
and indiscriminate taxation, the rick are hecoming 
riclier^ and the poor poorer^ that the increase in the 
wages of the laborer has not been in proportion to the 
increase of his expenses of living ; that the prices of 
all home products have been so advanced and main- 
tained that the exchange in kind for foreign commod- 
ities has become nearly impossible, thus restricting 
the employment of shipping, and rendering the con- 
tinued export of gold and obligations of indebtedness 
indispensable." 

Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, has recently 
borne most emphatic and important testimony to the 
alarming facts thus adduced. Let me lay before my 
readers a few of Senator Wilson's own words ; and it 
is with all the more pleasure that I here present liis 
just views and apprehensions, because, several years, 
ago, he labored faithfully and diligently to render the 



20 NEW PAETT INKLINGS. 

public some service by quoting from me ; and I am 
now proud of the opportunity to return the compli- 
ment by endeavoring to render the public some service 
by quoting from him. In an article entitled "The 
Xew Danger," published in the Ne^Y York (Radical) 
Independent, under dat€ of June 10, 1869, he says: 

" The power of wealth, individual and associated, concentrated and 
diffused, constitutes the new danger that is threatening us with its 
portentous and increasing dimensions. In it are found not alone the 
abuses of monopoly ; but the greater and more disastrous evils of 
bribery and corruption. Indeed, th,6 signs of the times are ominous, 
and betoken that ice are entering upon an experience damaging and 
dangerous alike to individual probity and honor, to national rep- 
utation and safety. Nor are there wanting indications not only 
oi the possession of this power, and the purpose to use it, but of 
too many susceptible to its blandishments and ready to yield to its 
sway. * * * The new danger is seen in the more obvious and 
obtrusive forms of monopoly, bribery, and the various forms of 
corruption characteristic of our times. Capitalists and active 
business men, largely engaged in trade and enterprises of various 
kinds, intensely earnest and anxious to succeed, and without much 
regard for the Golden Rule, avail themselves of whatever gives 
promise of success. Keeping within the forms of law and the 
limitations of the statute, they are prepared to use men as they 
use anything else, for their purpose. Of course, some form of 
monopoly is to be secured, either by combination or legislation, or 
both. If a railroad desires some exclusive privileges, like the 
Camden and Amboy Company, they buy up a State and control 
its legislation for a generation ; or, like the New York and Penn- 
sylvania Railroad, by log-rolling and purchase, command votes 
enough for the purpose ; or, if there are several projects that de- 
mand congressional legislation, they try an " omnibus bill," by 
which they hope the combined strength of the separate measures 
will be sufficient to carry the whole. What the power is, and 
liow applied, may be conjectured from a statement made in the 
North American Revieio that ' a bribe of $150,000 to a single 
member of the New York Assembly ' has been paid within a year. 
^ * * The history of our Internal Revenue system for the last 
four years ; the history of Temperance legislation, even in 
such States as Massachusetts and Maine ; the history of railroad 
legislation in such States as S'ew Jersey, New York and Pennsyl- 
vania abundantly substantiate these allegations, and prove the 
•danger to be not only real, but in the highest degree serious, if 
not alarming. Nor is it to be concealed that, unless som.e remedy 
adequate to the exigencies of the hour can be provided, the future has 
■a darker and more disgraceful history yet in store." 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 21 

Who can soberly view or contemplate tlie wretched 
condition of the laboring classes (and I am now writ- 
ing more particularly of the white laborers of the 
I^orth,) without feeling the necessity, tlie great and 
pressing necessity, for a new political organization, 
that will remove, or at least lighten, the very 
onerous and unjust burdens of the toiling mil- 
lions ? A sense of justice and patriotism, and a feel- 
ing of gratitude toward those who have but recently 
returned from the nation's hard-fought battle-fields 
to their own farms and workshops, should at once im- 
pel us to an effort of this sort ; but e\^en in the absence 
of such honorable and impelling forces as these, mere 
regard for the ordinary peace and welfare of society, 
and a reasonable degree of precaution for our own 
safety, should suffice to stimulate us with the requisite 
amount of energy and determination to bring about a 
change for ameliorating the condition of the over- 
worked and underpaid masses. 

In the series of very interesting and instructive 
articles which recently appeared in the New York 
TiineSy on the wages of skilled labor in our great com- 
mercial metropolis, it was plainly proven that, 
although mechanics and operatives generally are now 
in the weeklj^ or monthly receipt of a larger number 
of dollars than they received for corresponding lengths 
of time prior to the war, yet the money they now get 
buys them less bread and less meat, less fuel, a less 
quantity of necessary clothing for themselves and 
families, fewer articles of household furniture, and 
secures them the tenancy of houses of less comfort and 
convenience, than they were enabled to obtain with 
the lower wages which they earned ten years ago. 
And it is both significant and alarming that, after 
having carefully considered all the circumstances of 
tiie case, the writer of the articles in the Times re- 
cords his conviction that " the condition of the Indus- 



22 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

trions mechanics in active employment is annually 
growing worse." 

Anotiier proof that, as general results, flowing from 
our present sources of irrational and vicious legislation, 
the rich are, all the while, becoming richer, and the 
poor poorer, is afforded in the fact that our larger 
landed proprietors are grasping at all the territoiy 
within their reach, and seem to have a passion for 
holding, in the mire of mere tenancy, as many of their 
neighbors as possible. Only a few weeks since, I was 
in conversation with a couple of friends in l^ew York, 
who informed me that they had just come from the 
office of the largest possessor of landed estates in that 
great city, — a man who, it is said, already owns there 
1^,000 lots, most of which are covered with houses, 
and who has a notice suspended in his oflice, which 
reads, in glowing letters, '^ 'No Real Estate for Sale." 
It thus appears, that this wealthy and powerful land- 
lord is still purchasing all the landed property that he 
can pay for, but yet has not so much as even one foot 
of ground for sale at any price. 

J^or does the evil stop here. Under the operation 
of our existing laws, the capital of the country, in 
whatever manner employed, seems to be aggregating 
itself into the hands of a very small number of men, 
who are already rolling in riches, lar beyond tlie 
wildest dreams or expectations of their youth. In 
commerce, the large houses are doing all the business ; 
in manufactures, the extensive establishments are 
]naking and selling everything at enormous profits ; 
while the smaller establishments are closing their 
doors, in hopeless debt and despair. In mining, in 
banking, in building, in contracting, in transactions of 
every sort, the opulent few are made more opulent, 
and the impoverished many are depressed and pushed 
to the very verge of pauperism. And, as if to add 
insult to injury, some of the hoarders of untold millions 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 23 

are now erecting colossal liouses of charity for the 
indigent men and women whose labor, for a number 
of years past, they have not scrupled to take without 
ju^ reward. Shame, shame on such philanthropy! 
Vastly more honorable, and infinitely better, would it 
be, to pay fair wages and adequate salaries for all 
services well and faithfully performed, and so leave 
employees, clerks, agents and others, in condition, at 
all times, to take care of themselves in a creditable 
and independent manner. 

Important changes in our public policy must soon 
be had, or we shall inevitably and rapidly drift into 
imperious mastership on the part of the few, and into 
a species of abject slavery or serfdom on the part of 
the many. In the wiser and better action of a new 
political party only, may we reasonably hope for relief 
But what are some of the more weighty and influential 
considerations which should be accepted as the bases 
of the new party thus proposed ? Let us inquire a 
little further into the wrongs and drawbacks of our 
present situation, and it will then be time enough to 
announce the chief points of our rallying cry for 
redress. 

What I have said up to this present moment, has 
been more especially and directly in reference to men 
and the affairs of men. Let us now give some atten- 
tion to women and the vocations of women. I am 
not a woman's-rights man in the sense in which that 
term is generally understood ; but yet I am in favor 
of giving to woman the fullest possible measure of 
every right and privilege which belongs to her by 
nature and by all the rules of common sense and pro- . 
priety. I am also earnestly and particularly desirous 
that every woman shall be dealt with so justly and so 
honorably, that there can be no valid ground of com- 
plaint. But that women are generally so dealt with 
at this time, I deny ; and I deny it with regrets which 



24 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

have already swollen into the proportions of sadness 
and sorrow. 

Society ought, indeed, to shudder with shame and 
remorse when, as in this age of political venality and 
corruption, it is permitted to be even possible for so 
many poor and helpless women to be dishonored and 
ruined by unprincipled men ; for, as I shall soon show, 
society at large is, in great measure, responsible for 
many of the most unseemly and grievous wrongs under 
which women are now suffering. " But," say some, 
" let women vote, and then, we shall have an end of 
controversy on this subject." " Put the ballot into the 
hands of women, and they will then have the power 
to protect their own interests." ISTow, if the doing of 
so simple a thing as this would work the needed 
remedy in their case, it ought certainly to be done at 
once ; but, as for myself, I frankly confess that I have 
no faith in the efficacy of the thing prescribed. Why ? 
Because the masses of the women themselves, — a very 
large majority of the most intelligent and refined 
women in the country, — do not w^ant to vote, and will 
not vote, if left to their own volition. Would it be 
just or prudent, then, for a few to be empowered to 
act for, or against, the many ? It seems to me that 
there is but one rational and right way for settling 
this question, and that way is (by a general election, 
confined to the women exclusively, in each State res- 
pectively,) to refer it to them themselves for decision ; 
and wherever, if anywhere, a majority of them shall 
signify their desire to become regular voters, there, 
and there only, should the ballot be given them. 

For example, let us consider Connecticut. In this 
State, at the last Presidential election, the aggregate 
vote given was nearly 99,000. These votes were all 
polled by men. It may be safely assumed, therefore, 
that there are now at least 100,000 women in the State, 
who will be entitled to vote, if the franchise be ex- 



NEW PARTY INKLIJs^GS. 25 

tended to tliem. Let iis call the number exactly 
100.000. And now comes the question, Do as many 
as fifty thousand and one of these women wish to 
vote? If so, then I think the right and power of 
suffrage ought to be given to all the women in the 
State. But if only ten thousand or less, or, indeed, if 
any number less than fifty thousand and one desire to 
vote, why, then, as it seems to me, it would be neither 
right nor requisite to have female suffrage in 
Connecticut. And as of Connecticut, so of i^ortli 
Carolina ; so of Pennsylvania ; so of California ; and so, 
indeed, of all the other States ; so also of all the 
Territories and other component parts of our great 
American Union, — including the District of Columbia. 
AVherever, at any time, a majority of the women 
themselves shall be pleased to vote for the ballot, just 
there and then it will be proper for them to have the 
ballot. They are the persons solely and immediately 
interested ; and the final decision of the question 
should come from their own special and direct action 
upon it. It is evidently one of the comparatively few 
important matters of this world, wherein mere men 
have no right to meddle. But suppose a clique or a 
coterie of dissatisfied women still clamor for the bal- 
lot, and legislative assemblies of men take it upon 
themselves to stop the clamor by granting the demand ; 
and this, too, without submitting the question at issue 
to be determined by a majority of those whom it 
specially affects. Would not this action be arbitrary, 
unrepublican, undemocratic ? Would it not fail, in 
all cases to express the will of the majority ? and 
would it not practically restrict female suffrage to a 
very small (and for the most part, ignorant and ill- 
bred,) percentage of the women in any given commu- 
nity ? On these points there can be but little doubt. 
Still, if men will persist in giving the ballot to women, 
when a majority of women do not want the ballot, 



26 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

tliey should, I tliink, go yet a little furtlier, and make 
voting compulsory on all. In this way, the ballots of 
the be'tter classes might be counted on to such extent 
as would at least offset the ballots of the less comj^e- 
tent and less worthy ; but as compulsion of this sort 
would be generally subversive of the freedom of choice, 
it can only be advocated, — and scarcely here with a 
good grace, — in the contingency designated. Might 
we not, indeed, employ our time more prudently in 
devising ways and means for the restriction of suffrage, 
in certain cases, rather than for its extension to any 
new class of our population ? . My own opinion is, 
that, in these days of general intelligence, develop- 
ment and progress, no person, of whatever age, sex, 
color or condition, ought ever to be allowed to vote 
who does not know how to read and write, and who 
is not a regular subscriber to, and reader of, at least 
one newspaper, magazine, or other serial of current 
events. 

"What we need in every community is, not so much 
the ballot in the hands of women, as a more plentiful 
supply of brave, honorable, upright men. Are the 
masses of men in America, at this time, possessed of 
the noble traits of character here indicated ? Alas ! 
I fear not ; for if they were, there would not be, there 
could not be, so much destitution, demoralization and 
wretchedness among the females of our larger cities 
and towns. 

Not only do we ourselves rudely crowd into situations, 
and take the wages of light labor, which a high-toned 
manhood would, in all cases, gallantly and scrupu- 
lously yield to women and girls, but worse, twenty 
times worse, fifty times worse, a majority of us are, 
at this very moment, sustaining a powerful political 
party, not the Republican party, but the Radical 
party, a vile pro-negro party, which, in every section 
of the country, IS'orth, South, East and West, is nov/ 



NEW TARTY INKLINGS. 27 

practically turning out of doors, to starve, or to do 
worse, tens of thousands of feeble-framed white women 
and Avhite girls, and giving their places to big, broad- 
shouldered negro men ! In the name of God, in the 
name of humanity, in the name of justice, in the 
name of common sense, I ask, Is this right ? I be- 
lieve it is wrong ; I believe it is grossly and outra- 
geously wrong,without the least shadow or color of ex- 
cuse ; and, for this reason, I here oppose and denounce 
it. 

'No one whose powers of observation are not im- 
perfect, can fail to see how rapidly and fearfully this 
new social evil is winding its wicked way into every 
American community, — scarcely less at the !N^ortli than 
at the South. At the South it has always been very 
bad ; but it is a great deal w^orse in all the Southern 
States now than ever before. And here it may be re- 
marked, without hyperbole or exaggeration, that this 
is, by far, the worst of all social evils, and that to it, 
the ordinary social evil owes much, if not most, of its 
present magnitude. Let me specify a few facts ; and 
to these, and to all that they signify, I would solicit 
the earnest attention of my readers. 

While in Philadelphia, a few weeks since, I took a 
stroll up Arch street one morning, soon after break- 
fast, and was surprised to find so many negro men as 
I there saw, dusting the parlors, rubbing the door- 
knobs, sweeping the steps, and idling about the prem- 
ises, of wealthy proprietors. Night came ; the even- 
ing passed ; and, just before retiring to bed, I went 
into a refectory on Chestnut street, and called for an 
ice-cream. Tlie light and dainty little repast was 
brought to me by a negro man larger than myself! 
Do my readers think I enjoyed that ice-cream ! Do 
they suppose I ate it ? J^o ! It w^as impossible. 
Why? Because I was too much vexed in mind with 
the monstrous unfitness of many things that I had 



28 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

seen during the day and evening. Only an lionr or 
so before I entered tlie refectory, I passed a poor, 
ragged white girl, some ten or twelve years of age, 
w^ho, with a small number of newspapers in her hands, 
was sitting on the side-walk, crying as if her little 
heart would break. I asked her what was the matter, 
and she replied that, not having been able to sell her 
papers, she was afraid to go home ; for, according to 
her trembling and sobbing statement, whenever she 
went home without having sold her papers, her mother 
would whip her ! 

I took only two or three spoonfuls of the cream, 
which, so to speak, coming in collision with my reflec- 
tions, almost choked me, when I got up and left the 
saloon, — a saloon which I should have been very cer- 
tain not to enter, if I had noticed, before entering, 
that it was served by negro waiters ; for, for the good 
and sufficient reasons here mentioned and referred to, 
I have, for the last seventeen years, studiously avoided, 
on all occasions when possible and convenient, the 
patronage of every hotel and other place where negroes 
are employed. 

Returning from the ice-cream saloon to my hotel, 
I met scores upon scores of fallen women, walking the 
streets in shame and distress, — most of them poor 
white women, whose number, with shocking signifi- 
cance, seemed to correspond almost exactly witli the 
great number of stalwart negro men whom I had seen 
as servants in the parlors of private houses, in refec- 
tories, in hotels, and in many other places within 
doors, where the work was easy, and where, according 
to my views of the justice and fitness of things, white 
females only should have been employed. I recollected 
that, when I was a boy, I had heard it said that men 
should be ashamed to do women'' s work ; and that all 
light work within doors should be given up to the gentler 
sex. Had that sentiment undergone a change in the 



I 



NEW PAETT INKLIXGS. 29 

popular mind, or was it, even from the time of its first 
promulgation, to be understood as applying only to 
■white men ? Or why should so many exceptions, or 
any exceptions, indeed, be made in favor of negro men i 
Such are a few of the questions which involuntarily 
occurred to me ; and I could not help thinking how 
much I might havis relished and enjoyed the rejected ice- 
cream, if it had only been brought to me, as it should 
have been, by a neat, well-behaved white girl ; such a 
girl, for instance, as the poor and suffering one whom, 
in an earlier part of the evening, I had seen crying 
piteously on the side-walk. 

From Philadelphia I went to New York, where, in 
this regard, things were little, if any, better. Up town 
and down town, in private houses, in hotels, in oyster 
saloons, and in various other places, where the labor is 
so light and of such a nature, that it ought to be given 
exclusively to wliite women and white girls, I found 
large numbers of negro men, of great strength of body, 
but of no mental nor moral power, nor manly purpose. 
In this same city, too, wliich boasts of its civilization, 
respectability and refinement, I counted, in going the 
distance of only four blocks, on a single street, no less 
than seventy-nine disreputable houses, all apparently 
filled to repletion with unfortunate white women, who, 
in too many cases, I fear, were discharged from situa- 
tions, or refused situations, of decency and honor, to 
make room for negro men! I put it to you, my 
readers, to consider thoughtfully, and with a feeling of 
I'ust responsibility, the probability of the correctness of 
this inference ; and if you will take the time and the 
trouble, as I have done, to investigate facts bearing 
upon the subject, the truth will come to you, as it has 
come to me; and thenceforth you, at least, will be 
saved from the guilt of aiding and abetting these atro- 
cious delinquencies and misdeeds. 

Whether the great wrongs which we do in this way be 



Avrongs of omission or wrongs of commission, tliey do 



30 NEW PARTY INKLI:N^GS. 

Avroners of omission or wrongs of com 
not consist alone m our direct action 
toward women. The action may be, and often is, 
more immediately against a worthy father, or husband, 
or son, or brother : and yet it not unfrequently liap- 
pens that the evil consequences of it fall heaviest upon 
an innocent mother, or wife, or daughter, or sister. 
An instance in explanation. In Philadelphia, I was 
informed of a wholesale Quaker merchant, (a man, 
doubtless, of good intentions, but of a depraved or 
perverted taste and a narrow mind,) who discharged 
a Scotch porter, and gave the place to a burly negro, — 
not because the Scotchman was at all incompetent or 
unfaithful, but rather because the negro was a negro, 
and was satisfied to live as cheaply and meanly as 
negroes are generally accustomed to live, and was there- 
fore, willing to work for but little more than half the 
amount of wages usually charged and received by white 
porters. This Scotchman had an aged mother and a 
young sister, — a seamstress, — whom he had kindly 
helped to support ; but now that he was thrown out 
of his situation it became necessary for his sister to 
exert herself to find more remunerative employment 
than she had had up to that time. She looked dili- 
gently, but looked in vain, — and finally found her- 
self entangled within the meshes of a base deceiver, 
a bold bad man, to whom, not knowing his character, 
she had applied for honest work, — and was ruined. 
The poor old mother soon died of a broken heart ; and 
the brother, almost crazed with despair and disgust, 
left the country forever, and emigrated to Australia. 
In this may be seen and lamented the loss to America 
of three worthy Caucasians, all for the sake of one 
despicable negro, — the indirect sacrifice of a trio of 
white virtues to a single black vice ! 

The facts here stated may be accepted as consti- 
tuting only one of thousands of cases whereiii the 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 31 

baneful influences, in various forms, of this two-fold 
social evil, are now felt on society. And here I wish 
to be distinctly understood as believing and saying, a& 
I have believed and said for the last seventeen years, 
that the having of negroes, or the having of any other 
totally distinct and inferior race of mankind, inter- 
mingled with whites in a white community, is in 
itself a social evil of the worst possible type, and that, 
from this unnatural and degrading relation, other 
social evils are constantly evolved and intensified. 

This brings me to remark, that there seems to belong 
to this negro question, and to the fact that the negroes 
are intermingling among us, a meandering series of 
adverse circumstances and results, an inevitable train 
of lamentable incongruities, clashings and mishaps, 
from which I am unable to perceive any certain means 
of escape this side of the final forming of the two races 
into separate and distinct communities. A separation 
of this sort, not necessarily by violence, but by peace- 
ful and liberal legislation, I believe we ought to bring 
about without delay; and I have very little doubt 
that, sooner or later, in one way or" another, we shall 
do this as a just and proper and indispensable measure 
of protection to our own race. Already have our 
safety and welfare, at various periods of the past, 
called for the removal to the far West of many tribes of 
Indians ; and the same vital considerations are now 
demanding, with even greater reason and justice, the 
colonization of the negroes, in some place or places to 
themselves, either beyond the United States, or within 
the United States ; — say, for instance, in San Domingo^ 
or in Arizona. 

In December last, I had occasion to visit the city of 
Cincinnati; and, while there, was informed of a 
foolish man of wealth, who, yielding to a sort of popu- 
lar and epidemic folly, discharged a good white coach- 
man, and put in his place a young negro man. At 



32 NEW PAETT INKLINGS. 

the time the negro, in this case, was given the prefer- 
ence over the white man, the employer's family was 
regarded as one of the most respectable in Cincinnati. 
There were several members in the family, and when 
they all rode out, one of the daughters, a girl of some 
sixteen years of age, was frequently placed imme- 
diately by the side of the sable driver. "Within less 
than twelve months after that poor girl was first forced 
(by her unnatural parents,) into that most unnatural and 
improper relation, she gave birth to a mulatto child ! 

Who among us, not infatuated with the blackest and 
basest folly of the age, can contemplate this case 
(and it is only one of many others equally barbarous 
and beastly,) without experiencing emotions of both 
horror and disgust ? But all is not told yet. The 
family, overwhelmed with shame, and hoping to pre- 
vent a general knowledge of their disgrace, simply 
discharged the negro, and allowed him to go away 
without arraignment, complaint, or punishment ; and 
God only knows how many villanies of a like nature 
this licentious blackamoor may have perpetrated be- 
fore and since. He was a negro; a ward of the 
nation ; a " colored gentleman " ; a person who had 
been preferred, if not revered ; one of the Republic's 
favorites ; and why, then, should he be held amen- 
able to the laws of justice ? 

To whose horses and daughters, — I ask the question 
in no spirit of levity, but in all seriousness, — to whose 
horses and daughters, I wonder, is that negro coach- 
man paying his attention at this particular time ? I 
respectfully present this interrogatory (and it suggests 
many others of a similar sort,) for the calm and delib- 
erate consideration of so many of my countrymen as 
are yet in their sound and sober senses, and who, be- 
ing so, are deeply impressed witli a conviction of the 
great importance of maintaining intact the honor and 
virtue and fair name and fame of our own race. 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 06 

A case not very unlike that at Cincinnati, only not 
quite so bad, so far as is yet known, has recently 
occurrecl in Chicago, and is thns briefly mentioned in 
a dispatch to tlie (liadical) ^ew York Evening Mail^ 
of May 21, 1S69 : 

" Chicago, May 21, 18G9. — Yesterday a beautiful and accom- 
plished young lady, whose parents reside in Keokuk, Iowa, but 
who is here on a visit, attempted to elope to Detroit with her uncle's 
negro servant. The plan was discovered, tlie negro arrested and 
put in jail, and the girl put under lock and key in her uncle's house, 
awaiting the arrival of her parents." 

Snch iinnatnral and shocking indecencies as this, 
would be quite unknown among us, but for the revolt- 
ing views which are now so persistently advocated by 
those noisy multitudes of false and fanatical teachers 
throughout the land, — the pro-negro politicians. As 
for myself, I would prefer to have, if it were possible, 
ten thousand right hands, and suffer the pain of the 
excision of every one of them, rather than be justly 
chargeable with the responsibility of having dissemin- 
ated such erroneous and demoralizing sentiments as 
have sunk this poor girl to so low and mejDhitic a 
depth of debasement. 

It will be perceived that, thus far, I have rigidly 
confined my remarks to persons, conditions and occur- 
rences at the North. This I have done purposely, be- 
cause it is my desire to bring home to my fellow-citi- 
zens of the Sorth, and through them to our people 
generally, facts and circumstances of solemn warning. 
I complain and protest, that the preference which we 
are everywhere giving, directly or indirecth^, in the 
easier avocations of life, to negro men and other 
negroes over white women and white girls, (to say 
nothing of white men and white boys,) is without 
good reason ; a violation of all the laws of decency 
and propriety ; a disgrace to ourselves ; a gross in- 
justice to the opposite sex of our own kith and kin and 



34 NEW PAKTY INKLINGS. 

color ; and a flagrant crinTe against nature. And, as I 
shall show presently, bad as all this is at the i^orth, — 
and it is now growing worse at the Korth every day, — 
it is, nnder the disastrous misteachings and misrule of 
both the Kadical and Democratic parties, far worse at 
the South. But, in this regard, I am not yet done 
with the I^orth. To men of clear perception and un- 
biased judgments, it is coming to be evident, on every 
hand, that we are, as a community, guilty of the 
abnormal crime of not merely reducing the poorer 
classes generally of onr own race to the low level oi 
negroes, but that we are, indirectly, but none the less 
certainly, giving negro men and negro boys an odious 
and horrible mastery over white women and white 
girls ! 

Mr. Wirt Sikes, who pnblished recently, in Put- 
nam's Magazine, a remarkably interesting article en- 
titled " Among the Poor Girls," tells us that there are, 
in the city of New York alone, 30,000 honest, hard- 
working girls, whose meagre earnings, in many cases, 
are scarcely sufficient to keep body and soul together. 
Whilst gathering materials for his article, Mr. Sikes 
visited several of these poor girls, and from one ot 
them elicited information, which is given in the follow- 
ing brief questions, answers and remarks : 

" What do you pay for this room, Mary ? " 

" Four dollars a month, sir." 

" That, as you will observe, is a little more than thirteen cents 
a day." 

" What do you get for making such a shirt as that ? " 

" Six cents, sir." 

** What ! you make a whole shirt for six cents ? " 

" Yes, sir, and furnish the thread.'''' 

" Does not this almost stagger credulity ? but there is truth in 
the girl's face ; it is impossible to disbelieve her. If, however, 
my reader is incredulous, I can assure him that Mary does not 
tell a falsehood ; I know that this price is paid by some of the 
most " respectable " firms in New York. Eespectability is a good 
thing you see. Let me whisper a few other prices to you, v/liich 
" respectability " pays its poor girls. Fifteen or twenty cents for 
making a linen coat, complete ; sixty-two cents per dozen for mak- 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 35 



ing men's heavy overalls ; one dollar a dozen for makino; flannel 
sliirts ! * * * So you see that, in order merely to pay her rent 
Mary must make two shirts a day ! That being done, she must 
make more to meet her other expenses. She has fuel to buy — and 
a pail of coal costs her fifteen cents. She has food to buy — but 
she eats very little. She has not tasted meat of any kind for over 
a year, she tells us. What then, does she eat ? Bread, and pota- 
toes, principally ; she drinks a cup of cheap tea, without milk or 
suo-ar at night — provided she has any^ which she frequently has 
not." 

Another case is tliiis brie% stated : 

" Agnes was a beautiful girl of 17, who resisted the temptation 
that came to her through her own employer. He discharged her. 
Unable to pay her board, she was turned into the streets. It was 
a bitter day in January. For four days she wandered the 
streets, looking for work — only for work. Said she, ' I envied the 
boys who shovelled snow from the side-walks. I would gladly 
have done their work for half they got.' Hungry, she pawned 
her shawl. When that was gone, she went twenty-four hours 
without a crumb, shivering through the streets. At night she 
slept in the station-house — without a bed, thankful for mere 
shelter. Again and again she was tempted, but she did not yield. 
She found work at last, and leads her cruel life still, patiently and 
uncomplainingly." 

Numerous other instances of the uncommon and 
merciless tasks, trials and temptations to which the 
poor working-girls of the ISTorth are now subjected, 
are related by this clear-headed and good-hearted 
writer in Putnam's Magazine ; but the more signifi- 
cant and astounding cases are of too great length to 
be quoted on this occasion. There are few men, how- 
ever, w^hose hearts are too strong, or whose eyes are 
too dry, to remain unaffected on coming to a knowl- 
edge of the long hours and days and weeks and 
months and years, of weary toil, privations, hardships 
and sufferings, to which so many of these poor girls 
are doomed. Indeed, their condition in life, as so 
graphically portrayed by the writer of the Putnam 
article, and by other recent writers, is little better 
than a condition of unqualified slavery; and when 



36 NEW PAETY INEXIXG3. 

we consider that many of the most weighty bardens 
which are now crushing them in sadness and sorrow to 
the grave, are jnstly chargeable as consequences of our 
own private and public misdoings, we ought certainly, 
in this respect, to unite ourselves at once in a strong 
and determined eifort at reform. 

The examination of another branch of the woman 
question, — although this examination must necessarily 
be but very brief and imperfect, — will, I fear, involve 
us, as men, in a still deeper responsibility. Mr. Oliver 
Dyer, of iSew York, recently published, in Packard's 
Monthly, a series of articles on " The Magdalens of 
l^ew York City." From these articles let me quote 
two or three short paragraphs. Says Mr. Dyer : 

" It is estimated that, all in all, tliere are nearly seven tliousand 
Maofdalens in New York City ! And let the dwellers in our inland 
cities, or in our largest inland villao"es, or in the capitals of our 
States, compute the number of women in their respective villages 
or cities, and then imagine seven thousand of them to be outcasts! 
Why, many a flourishing town does not number seven thousand 
women among its inhabitants. Many an entire county does not 
contain seven thousand women within its boundaries." 

Further on, in the course of one of his articles, Mr. 
Dyer says : 

" The most gilded and aristocratic haunt of vice in the city is 
but a whited sepulchre, filled Avith withering hearts and rotting 
souls. The very gangrene of despair is constantly eating into such 
enjoyments as its inmates can compass. They have no friendship, 
no confidence, no companionship, no present safety, no future hope ; 
but they have memory, and remorse, and desolation of soul, and 
despair." 

Mr. Dyer and his clerical friend Mr. Arnold visited, 
together, several of the abodes of these unfortunates ; 
and, on a certain occasion, after an address of sympa- 
thy and encouragement to the inmates of one of the 
houses, the writer tells us that, 

" Many of the girls arose, sobbing, to their feet, and several of 
them crowded around Mr. Arnold, and begged him, in the name 



KEW PARTY IXt-ILINGS. 37 

of God, to take tliem from tliat place. They would work tlieir 
hands olF, if honest work could he got for them." 

Here, then, ^-e have the important declaration, 
from a number of these most unfortunate white 
females themselves, tliat, rather than continue to lead 
disreputable lives, they are willing to " work their 
hands off, if honest work can be got for them." Why 
cannot honest w^ork be got for them, — and why was it 
not got for them, or why were they not able to get it 
for themselves, ere they became bewildered and lost 
in the devious ways of vice ? Because (and I myself 
know this to be true in several cases,) because the 
places of light labor within doors, which should have 
been given to them, and not to others, were given to 
negro men ! 

And here, my countrj^nen, I beg that you will 
allow me to express to you, with respectful w^arning,« 
this solemn apprehension, — that every time you take 
into your house a negro man, or other negro servant, 
you thereby turn into the street, or into the road, a 
white woman or a white girl ! and just so long as you 
keep negro men or other negroes w^ithin doors, and 
in the exact proportion that you keep them there, 
just so long do you keep, in a corresponding pro- 
portion, and with great injustice and cruelty, white 
women and white girls out of doors ! 

Great and inexcusable as is our guilt in deliberately 
ejecting from our houses wliite women and white 
girls, and in giving their places to negro men and 
other negroes, yet the guilt swells into crimes of 
unparalleled blackness and enormity when, by base 
apathy and permission on oitr part, the very negroes 
whom we have taken within, are, in effect, encouraged 
to pursue and outrage the same unfortunate wliite 
females whom we have turned without ! Have we 
not all noticed in the newspapers, of late, frequent 



38 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

accounts of the many brutal and horrible crimes thus 
perpetrated by negroes ? I speak still of the ISTorth ; 
for, as I have already remarked, for the general wel- 
fare of both the Is'orth and the South, I wish to bring 
directly home to all our people a knowledge of at 
least some of the unnatural and shocking misdeeds 
connected with this subject. 

The following telegraphic dispatches, all clipped 
from Radical i^orthern newspapers, of recent date, 
are far more pointed in this matter than any language 
that I myself am able to use ; and as they present an 
appalling picture of the nature and extent of some of 
the evils that are now lurking within and without our 
domiciles, we may, I think, do well to ponder them. 
While sitting at the breakfast-table of the Preble 
House, in Portland, Maine, on the morning of the 
28th of April, 1869, I read in the (Radical) Portland 
Press, of that date the follow^ing dispatch : 

" New Haven, Conn., April 27, 1869.— A girl named Riley, 13 
years of age, living in Orange, f<ftir miles from this city, while 
passing along the road near Allingtown, between here and 
Orange, last evening, was assaulted by a negro, who dragged her 
into the woods and violated her person. Afterwards the girl 
hurried home and informed her parents. Search for the villain 
was at once made, but up to midnight he had not been found. 
He was tracked to this city and efforts are now being made to 
secure his arrest." 

A majority of the following dispatches, all pub- 
lished within the last few months, are from the E"ew 
York Times: 

' A Fearful Outrage in Brookfield, Connecticut.— 
" A Negro the Criminal. 
" Brookfield, Conn., was the scene of a fearful crime on Friday 
last. A negro, suspected of being one who had just been let out 
from jail in Danbury, called, at the house of a Mrs. Wildman, 
in Brookfield, and finding no one at home but Mrs. Wildman, 
seized her and attempted to violate her person. The house being 
at some distance from any neighbors, it was some time before her 
screams for help could be heard. At last, a woman heard them. 



NEW rAKTY IIsKLINGS. 30 

and proceeded to tlie house, when she was met at the door by the 
demon, and struck senseless by a larf^e stone. He then returned 
to hia victim, and after a severe stru^ifo-le, in which he choked her 
until the blood came from her eyes, ears and nose, he accomplished 
his hellish purpose and decamped. The woman who went to the 
assistance of Mrs. Wildman, having recovered, g-ave the alarm, 
and very soon a crowd of excited nei^^hbors were i^athered, and 
the woods and country searched. The negro was seen, but 
managed to escape. Mrs. Wildman, who was soon to become a 
mother, lingered for six hours, and then died. A reward of $4,000 
was offered for the wretch alive, and if he had been captured right 
away, summary punishment would have been meted out to him 
by the infuriated townspeople," 

This, as the reader will perceive, was a double 
murder, — the murder of one born and of one unborn, 
— preceded by a crime of equal atrocity against both 
the victims ; and yet the negro murderer (and worse 
than murderer, in this case,) makes his escape, and is 
soon 'again waylaying the paths, or prowling about the 
premises, of other unprotected white females. "What 
the opinions and feelings of some may be 1 know not ; 
yet I do know that there are others who believe it 
would be far better for America to lose, by special 
colonization in mass, or by some other process of 
removal, four millions of negroes, rather than that a 
single one of her white daughters, whether in the 
inviolable condition of maidenhood, or maternity, or 
otherwise, should be thus horribly and brutally 
murdered. 

The next case is as follows : 

" A Horrible Affair near Princeton, Indiana.. 
" Princeton, Ind., Nov. 30. — An outrage was committed between 
11 and 1 o'clock yesterday on the person of Mrs. J. S. Baker, 
wife of a well-known and respectable citizen, living a mile and a 
quarter south of this place. A negro entered the liouse during 
the absence of INlr. Baker, and asked for some apples, and, seeing 
Mrs. Baker was alone, drew a revolver and threatened her life if 
she did not submit to his vile designs. After accomplishing his 
purpose he left the house. The alarm was given and parties 
started immediately in pursuit of the negro. He was caught one 
and a half miles south of Sarville last night, between 9 and 10 



40 NEW PAETY IXKLIXG3. 

o'clock, and was broiiglit to this place, where lie arrived about 
midnight. He made a full confession of the crime, saying that 
his name was Albert Saunders, and that he lived in Warsaw. 
He was then seized by an excited mob and stabbed, shot and 
beaten till he was dead. A rope w^as then put round his neck, 
and the mob dragged his body through the streets, and left it 
lying in the street till 3 o'clock this morning. The body was 
then taken up and put in an old shanty, where it now lies await- 
ing a coroner's inquest." 

Anotlier case is thus reported : 

" Abominable Outrage by a Negro. 
" Schenectady, N, Y. December 20. — Considerable excitement 
exists in the town of Glenville, in this county, on account of an 
outrage committed by a negro last evening on the person of a 
married white woman, named Mrs. D. D. Brown. The negro fled 
to the western part of the State and is still at large. He is about 
eighteen years of age, stoop shouldered, head down, stiff, knock- 
kneed, and toes in, and had on a white felt hat and frock coat, 
with tlie corners torn off." 

On the 23cl of June last, I read in the I^ew York 
Daily Ne los the following vile and exasperating piece 
of police intelligence ; 

" Cupid in Ebony. — The Late Head-Waiter at the 

" Metropolitan Hotel Captures Another 

" White Wife. 

" Lucius M. Sawyer a mulatto, residing at 91 Cherry street^ and 
who, like Brigham Yoang, has strong marital proclivities, having 
formed no fewer than four conjugal alliances with different white 
women, was arraigned at the Tombs' Police Court this morning, 
before Justice Dowling, on a charge of abandonment preferred 
against him by his latest wifely accession, an Irish girl named 
Mary. Lucius is a little over 30 years, and affects some style in 
dress, with immaculate linen front, A few months ago he was 
head waiter at the Metropolitan Hotel, which several pretty white 
girls have had cause to remember. By some magic way, some 
subtle amorous influence he possesses, he continues to play the 
mischief with the hearts of sundry fair- skinned females with 
whom he happens to come in contact. Some he has married and 
some he has agreed to live with ; but one and all he flung aside 
after a few months, and went in quest of change. Mary, who 
charges Lucius with leaving her without support, is about . 18 
years of age, passable looking, and says she was married to him 
over twelve months ago. She was employed in the linen room 
at the Metropolitan Hotel, where she met Sawyer." 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 41 

On calling the attention of one of my Eadical 
(personal) triends to this report of the lecherous vil- 
lanies of the mulatto Sawyer, I was met by the decla- 
ration that the News was a mere sensational journal, 
and that little or nothing in it was worthy of credence. 
Thereupon, being in Xew York at the time, I repaired 
immediately to the Metropolitan Hotel, and asked Mr. 
Leland, the proprietor, whether or not the report, as pub- 
lished in the JSfews^ which, just then, I placed in his 
hands, was correct. After reading tlie article, he nodded 
his head sorrowfully, and remarked that he was grieved 
to have to inform me that the account was strictly 
true. Although I carefully examined and re- examined 
all the Eadical '' newspapers " of the city, yet I could 
not find the slightest reference to this case in any one 
of them ! Why this exemption from arraignment be- 
fore the bar of public opinion ? Simply because the 
criminal was a negro. Had he been a white man, the 
columns of the entire Eadical press would, no doubt, 
have teemed with elaborate details of his atrocious 
intrigues. 

When, on the one hand, our traveling public shall 
have attained that high degree of respectability and 
refinement which will restrain them from ever becom- 
ing the inmates or patrons of negro-waiting hotels or 
other negro-waiting establishments ; and when, on the 
other hand, the keepers of hotels and boarding-houses, 
and the occupants of private residences, shall come to 
see the gross vulgarity and wrongfulness of having 
negroes about them at all, we shall fortunately have 
an end of these unnatural and disgusting familiarities 
between whites and blacks. 

The iSTew York Star, under date of July 30, 1869, 
published the following statement : 

" Another Jersey Outrage. — 
'' A Negro Indecently Assaults A Child. 
"A warrant was issued yesterday morning by Justice Bhime, of 
South Orange, for the arresL of a negro named David Brjan, an 



42 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 



employe of A. T. Randolpli, near Maplewood Station, on the 
serious charge of attempting, last Tuesday afternoon, to commit 
an outrage upon a little girl, the daughter of James L. Kivelly, 
only jive years of age! Bryan, it is alleged, took the little girl 
into the barn on Mr, Kivelly's premises, and there sought to per- 
petrate his offence, but it is believed that he did not succeed. 
Bryan has not yet been arrested, and great excitement prevails in 
the vicinity. Should the scoundrel fall into other hands than that 
of the officers of the law, he will stand a pretty good chance to be 
lynched, so great is the indignation in th3 neighborhood." 

The following case is reported in the J^ew York 
Telegram^ under date of July 16, 1869 : 

" Outrage by a NEaRO. — 

"Desperate Assault upon a Respectable White Lady. 

" Yesterday afternoon a young man of color called at the farm- 
house of Thomas Hendrickson, located between Jamaica and 
Flushing, in Queen's County, and interrogated the wife of that 
gentleman as to whether her husband desired any more help to 
reap his harvest. The lady replied that she did not know, but 
that he might see her husband, who was gathering wheat in a 
field a short distance off. The supplicating scoundrel asked for 
something to eat, which was given him, and the lady led the way 
out, showing him the direction in which to go to find her husband. 
He turned to go, and as the lady was about to retrace her steps to 
her apartments, she felt a hand upon her shoulder, and on looking 
around received a severe blow in the face, which stunned her and 
left her stretched upon the floor. The brutal negro then proceeded 
with all the fury and wickedness of a madman to outrage her per- 
son, which he succeeded in partially accomplisliing ; but by the 
continued cries of the woman, he was forced to desist before the 
final injury had been done. A warrant has been issued for the 
arrest of the heinous monster, and is now in the possession of 
Officer Snedesser of Jamaica." 

Another case, reported in the Is'ew York Telegram^ 
under date of July 26, 1869, reads thus: 

" Outrage by a Negro. 
" On Saturday last, a pugnacious young African attemj^ted a 
most diabolical outrage on the person of a respectable lady named 
Cook, of Flushing. Officer Smith arrested the mendacious indi- 
vidual, and took him before Justice Quarterman, who remanded 
him to the county jail, of Queen's County, for the Grand Jury. 
The woman was badly bruised and beaten, and her situation is 
very critical." 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 43 

Under date of December 11, 1869, the Kew York 
Herald reported the following ease : 

" Diabolical Outrage by a Negro. 

" Joshua Purdy, a negro of immense proportions and forbidding 
appearance, was arrested in the town of Harrison a day or two 
ago by Constable David Barnes, charged with having perpetrated 
a fiendish outrage on the person of a female school teacher, 
named Peck, on the the 26th of last October. After the crime, 
Purdy concealed himself ; and although the officers were on his 
track, he succeeded in evading arrest until the time stated. On 
being brought before Justices Ferris and Lane, the negro was con- 
fronted by his unfortunate victim, who at once identified him, 
and after her examination he was committed to the county jail for 
a further hearing of testimony. It appears that the school over 
which complainant presides is located in an isolated and moun- 
tainous portion of the town of Harrison ; and, during a recess, and 
while all the larger pupils were playing in the woods, some dis- 
tance from the school building, the accused followed complainant 
into an outbuilding, where, despite her struggles, he succeeded in 
effecting his hellish purpose. The unfortunate young woman's 
cries for assistance caused a little pupil to run to the house of a 
neighbor, some half a mile distant, where she stated that her mis- 
tress was being murdered by a negro. On hearing this, assistance 
hurried to the school house, where the teacher was found in a 
state of insensibility. She was conveyed home, where she has 
since been seriously' ill. Had the negro been caught at that time, 
such was the indignation of the community, his carcass would 
doubtless have dangled from the nearest tree. Purdy was indicted 
about two years since for having repeatedly exposed his person to 
a emale teacher in another locality."* 

* Thi? ne:?ro, Josh Purdy, has very recently been found guilty of the crime of 
rape, as charged above, and sentenced to the penitentiary for twenty years. 
In eomewhat strange and striking contrast with tliis case of Josh Purdy, ot 
New York, who was very properly sentenced to hard labor in the State prison 
for twenty vears (though in truth, he and all others like hini ought to be hanged 
as soon as caught) is that of Bill Ross, of the District of Columbia, who, for a 
crime equally heinous, was sent to the penitentiary for only five years. Of 
this latter case,— only one, however, of numerous others quite as monstrous 
and horrible in the same locality,— the Washington /S'tar, ol April 7, 1870, and 
the Washington National Eepublican, of the next day, gave the following 
account : 

" Outrageous Assault on a Little Child. 

" The case of William Ross, alias Del Range, colored, charged with an as- 
..ault with intent to commit a rape on the person of a little white girl, aged about 
six vears, was placed on trial. The evidence, which is in great part unfit for 
publication, showed that the prisoner carried off the little girl, and attempted 
to commit upon her the crime charged ; bruised her person, and communicated 
disease to her, The jury were absent but a few minutes, and returned a ver- 
dict of guilty. The court sentenced the convict to imprisonment for five 
years in the Albany penitentiary." 



44 NEW PARTY liNKLINGS. 

The following case is reported from Slirewsbury, 
Pennsylvania : 

"Negko Deviltry in Pennsylvania; — An Aged Lady 
" Outraged ; — The PEiiPETRATOR Confesses and 
" IS Lynched by the People. 
" Shrewsbury, York Countv, Pa., October 4, 1869. — On Wednes- 
day, 29th ult.. Miss Reip, a most estimable lady, 65 years old, 
visiting lier friends some eight miles south-east of this place, was 
attacked by a burly young negro, Jim Quinn, who after knocking 
her down, dragged her some distance into a woods near at hand ; 
she by this time somewhat recovered from the blow, and, wrought 
to a frenzy, resisted until overpowered by the superior strength of 
her assailant. In tlie struggle, her clothing was nearly all torn 
from her person, which the hellish fiend twisted into ropes, and 
binding her hands and feet to different trees, perpetrated his 
diabolical purposes. Thus he left her, almost lifeless and welter- 
ing in blood (with a view, no doubt, of seeking his victim again at 
night,) and returned to his work in an adjoining corn-field. After 
some four hours of terrible agony. Miss Reip succeeded in releas- 
ing herself, and made her way to the house of Mr. Kirkwood, 
where, more dead than alive, she told her horrible misfortunes. 
Mr. Kirkwood immediately proceeded to the house of Mr, Robin- 
son, to whom the negro was indentured and for whom he was at 
the time at work. They, in company, went into the corn-field, 
and, finding the negro still at work, arrested him ; he denied his 
guilt, but, upon examination, his under garments were found 
saturated with the blood of his victim. He was confined in a 
corn-crib until Mr, Kirkwood could procure medical aid for the 
lady, and an officer into whose custody to place him. On return- 
ing, he found the villain had escaped. After several days' fruitless 
search, he Avas to-day arrested near this place, and, upon being 
confronted by persons who knew him, confessed his guilt. He 
was placed in the custody of Officer Roser, who started to take 
him to jail, but, on the arrival of the train at White Hall station, 
the cars were entered by an exasperated body of men, who over- 
powered the officer, took the negro, and hung the guilty wretch near 
the place where he perpetrated his hellish crime. The lady so 
cruelly outraged lies in a most critical condition, and little hope is 
entertained of her recovery. The foregoing is a plain, unvarnished 
tale as told by the negro himself before he started to jail. Great 
excitement prevails throughout the community. Men fear to 
allow their wives or daughters to go from home, or even to 
remain at liome, without male protectors," 

Of still another ease, the revolting particulars are 
thus given : 



NEW PARTY INKLIXGS. 45 

"Mongrel Bastaedy in Indiana." 
(From the New Albany, Ind., Commercial.) 
" Some months ago a well-to-do and very respectable farmer, 
iivino- about one mile north of Hanesville, Harrison County, hired, 
as a farm hand, a negro. The farmer had a daughter some eight- 
een or nineteen years of age, and between her and the negro a 
warm friendship sprung up, which soon ripened into a most 
unnatural and criminal intimacy. As long as it was possible for 
her to do so, the girl concealed the evidence of her shame and 
degradation, but knowing that concealment would soon be im- 
possible, she went to her father and told him that she would in a 
short time become a mother, and that his hired man, the negro, was 
the father of the illegitimate offspring she expected to give birth 
to. Upon learning tiiese facts the faiher grew furious with anger, 
and swore he would kill both his daughter and the negro ; and to 
this en;!, we are told, he procured a gun, loaded it, and sought 
the opportunity to carry his threat into execution.'^"- Fearing the 
result of the father's anger, the fallen and degraded woman and 
her negro paramour secreted themselves until night set in, and 



I have time and space for only one more dispatcli 
of this kind, and it I have clipped from the Isew 
York Times^ of the 16th of March last. It is as 
follows : 

" Three White Girls Outraged by a Negro. 
" On Thursday afternoon last, a girl, 13 years old, and two 
young ladies, daughters of neighboring farmers, were ravished by 
a negro near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. On Friday a negro 
19 years old, named Cam. Norris, a native of Chambersburg, was 
arrested, and is now in jail, charged, with perpetrating these out- 
rages. There is but little doubt of his being the guilty party. 
The excitement in the community is intense. On Friday night, 
an elTo rt was made to take Norris from the jail and hang him. 
No less than 800 people gathered about the building. Speeches 
were made by a number of the prominent citizens, and the mob 
was induced to disperse. The prison has since been guarded by a 
strong force, summoned by Sheriff Young. The ladies outraged 
are daughters of three of our most respectable farmers." 

It will be observed that all of the twelve or fifteen 
cases of licentions outrage here published, are re- 

* Eather should he have discharged the contents of the gun into his own 
ritals. for vohiutarily subjecting his daughter and other members of his family 
(inchidin^ himself,/ to the vulgar and degrading relationship of personal 
"Contact with a negro. 



46 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

ported as having been perpetrated at the North, 
where, fortunately for that great and glorious part 
of our Kepublic, there are but comparatively few 
negroes. On an average, where one case of this kind 
occurs at the Saxonized North, a dozen or more, of 
at least equal atrocity, occur at the Africanized South. 
But for lack of time, and if necessary, I might re- 
publish the details of scores of similar cases ; but 
these few, — the foregoing dozen, — will suffice to show 
that it is not merely the mothers, wives and daughters 
of other people, but our own mothers, wives and 
daughters also, who, in whatever section of the 
country, are liable, at almost any time, to fall victims 
to the brutal lusts of barbarous and beastly negroes. 
And what is our excuse, or rather what is not the 
extent and depth of our guilt, when, by our own 
voluntary acts, these vile creatures have been brought 
into constant and familiar relations with our own 
families 1 

Let us not fail to bear in mind two or three very 
important facts which are stated in the case of the 
negro Cam. Norris, of Chambersburg, Pennsylvania^ 
— the case last above quoted. This blackamoor. Cam. 
Norris, according to the dispatch, was born and reared 
in Chambersburg. On a single afternoon, — the after- 
noon before his, arrest, — he outraged, in the vicinity 
of his own native town, no less than three respectable 
white girls ! Is it not pertinent to inquire whether, 
during certain other afternoons, or forenoons, or at 
other periods of his previous career, he may not have 
outraged many others equally innocent and respect- 
able, who, overwhelmed with shame and grief, said 
nothing and did nothing about it ? 

A later dispatch in reference to this same negro 
culprit, Cam. Norris, states that, after a short trial, the 
fellow's guilt, in every one of the three cases, was 
completely established, and that, for the triple crime 



NEW PAETY INKLIXGS. 47 

tliiis eommittecl, he was sentenced to — wliat does the, 
rerider suppose? JSTot to be hanged, as he onght to 
.have been without a day's delay, but to the very 
inadequate penalty of only thirty-five years' labor in 
the penitentiary, — to be pardoned out perhaps, in 
time to vote the Radical ticket, or the Democratic 
ticket, at the very next election; and then, perchance 
to enter upon another series of such horrible diversions 
and deviltries as may best please his fancy ! 

Wicked and woeful as are all these cases in them- 
selves, yet how liagitiously are they winked at and 
encouraged, and how inexpressibly worse do they 
become, by the willful silence of a mere partisan press ! 
Ah, my countrymen, here is a matter, not only for 
your serious reflection, but also for your prompt and 
determined action. Against the pure and almost 
divine white females of our own race, in every 
section of the country, negroes are now perpetrating 
unparalleled outrages ; yet (Oh, what monstrous 
turpitude !) many of our most influential " news- 
papers," although edited and published by men of 
white exterior, are purposely excluding from their 
columns the accounts of these crimes ! In other 
'' newspapers," not yet wholly lost to a sense of duty 
and justice, we may sometimes find, in an obscure 
corner of the paper, a bare announcement of one of 
these prodigious villanies, belittled into the miniature 
space of only two or three lines, in the smallest pos- 
sible type ; l3ut if, on the other hand, a negro suffers 
violence at the hands of a white person, we are certain 
to be treated, in these same unfair and venal " news- 
papers," to at least half a dozen editorial articles on 
the subject, each from one to three columns in length, 
large type and double leaded. 

There is still another class of these newspapers, 
— tlie class which is most intensely and fanatically 
Radical, — in which you may sometimes find a para- 



48 NEW PARTY INKLIXGS. 

grapMc account of tlie crime itself, but witli the 
black fact that the criminal is a negro purposely 
suppressed. For instance, in the case last above 
(juoted, two of the Kadical " newspapers " of New 
York gave only the following garbled item : " A man 
by the name of Cam. I^orris was arraigned and con- 
victed, in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, a few days 
since, and sentenced to the penitentiary for thirty-five 
years, for violating the persons of three young girls.''' 
Only observe here how cunningly and wickedly these 
unprincipled papers hide from view the two important 
facts that the " man," in this case, was a negro, and 
that the '^ three young girls " were white girls ! 

It might be supposed that the compound felony tliua 
committed by the negro ISTorris, would naturally 
attract the attention, and arouse the indignation, of 
all intelligent and virtuous citizens in the State wliere 
it was perpetrated ; but how could any considerable 
number of people come to a knowledge of the wrong, 
when the wrong itself was not published ? Happen- 
ing to be in Philadelphia only a few weeks after the 
trial, conviction and sentence of ITorris, I instanced 
his crime to no less than four learned and distinguished 
residents of that city ; but they were all totally ignor- 
ant of the case, — not one of them having ever heard 
of it before ! Why ? Because they were in the habit 
of reading only Radical ''newspapers," and the 
Padical editors of those papers had designedly and 
diabolically withheld the truth from their readers ! 

Such papers are generally denominated newspapers f 
but they are not newspapers in the true sense of the 
word. Instead of giving to their readers news of 
vital importance to the whole country, they willfully 
suppress it. Not only do they shield the negro from 
being held to a just responsibility for the felonies he 
has alreSdy committed, but by withholding exposure 
and condemnatiouj they encourage him to continue in 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 4:9 



hB career of crime. And, by tins same recreant 
co\irse of editing and publishing, the white man who, 
at best, has too many sins of his own to answei- tor, is, 
by implication at least, saddled with the sms ol others. 
All this is exceedino'ly reprehensible. Let the guilty 
whether white or black, be accused and convicted Ox 
the wrongs they do ; but let us, in all cases know who 
the guilty are; so that they, and they only, (and not 
innocent people,) may be held accountable. From all 
such onesided and insidious "newspapers as are 
here alluded to, we should all be careful to withdraw 
immediately every penny of our patronage. 

Unfortunately for the country, the editors of tnese 
partizan "newspapers" do not seem to understand 
that " he who knows the right and does it not, is guilty 
of the wrong ; " and further, that " he who knowmgly 
suppresses tnith, is guilty of falsehood." It was ot 
numberless wrono-s and falsehoods of this natui;e, that 
the old pro-slaverv Democratic party was guilty, m 
suppressing the truth about slavery; and it is ol an 
increased iiumber of far greater wrongs and falsehoods 
of the same nature, that the pro-negro Eadical party 
is now guilty in suppressing the truth about negroes. 

What we want in these United States, ana what is 
rapidlv coming to be felt as a prime necessity, is a new 
political party, a party that will ri-idly yet progress- 
ively conform itself and all its actions to the plam 
principles of common sense and common justice ; a 
party that will successfully inaugurate and carry out 
a public policy which shall be in harmony, and not m 
conflict, with the laws of nature and nature s God 

ISTeed I say more to convince my readers ot tne 
alarming extent to which, even at the ^orth, the poorer 
classes 5f females of our own ^;^c^^ .^f , .^f ;;^| dm^j 
from their own avocations, from the hght labors with m 
doors, which belong to them by nature, by custom 
and bv right, and are then in many cases, wantonly 



50 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

pursued without, and brutally outraged by negro men ? 
Much as I have here said in reference to the many 
nefarious crimes of this kind that have been committed 
at the Korth, yet, under other circumstances, I might 
say a great deal more. As, however, my time and 
space are both limited, I must now say something on 
this same subject about the South. But here, alas ! 
from the overj)owering magnitude of the facts and 
considerations involved, I am at a melancholy loss to 
know where or how to begin. 

'No one with a single drop of water in his hand, 
can therewith convey an adequate idea of the vast and 
billowy ocean ; nor is it possible for me, with the com- 
paratively little time and space still left me on this 
occasion, to explain even so much as a hundredth part 
of the intensified oppression and outrages to which 
the poorer classes of white women and white girls at 
the South are now (as, indeed, they have been hereto- 
fore,) generally subjected. It is much to be regretted 
that neither our national nor our State authorities 
have ever yet thought it worth while to give us any 
statistics showing, in each State respectively, the num- 
ber of white females whose circumstances compel them 
to engage (during the Summer at least,) in regular or 
irregular out-door labor, on the farms and plantations. 
Is it not, for obvious reasons, desirable and important 
that our next — the tenth — national Census (though it 
is not to be taken until 1880,) shall give us the tacts 
in this regard ? 

My own estimate is (and I believe that a correct 
census would show my estimate to be within, and not 
beyond, the limits of truth,) my own estimate is that, 
for the last fifteen or twenty years, — scarcely in a less 
ratio to the whole white population before the war 
than since, — there have been regularly and irregularly 
employed, in agricultural labor at the South, at least 
one hundred thousand white females. In my own 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 51 

State, Korth Carolina, there are, perhaps, at this very 
time, not less than twenty thousand poor white females 
drudging and toiling in the fields. And yet, only a 
few years ago, multitudes of the shameless advocates 
and defenders of slavery were vociferous in their 
assertions that negroes only could work out of doors 
in the South ; and this, too, notwithstanding the fact 
that many of these same asserters had themselves 
seen hundreds, if not thousands, of white women and 
white girls, to say nothing of much larger numbers of 
white men and white boys, working in the fields of 
the South every Summer ! 

But while so many of our feeble-framed white 
females are, by force of circumstances, compelled to 
work out in the sunny fields of the South, what, 
meanwhile, are the athletic negro men and negro 
boys doing there? Perhaps not less than one-fourth 
of' all the male negroes, num])ering, in the aggro- 
gate, more than one million, are now employed 
within the houses and hotels of white people, and 
are doing, in a most imperfect and slovenly way, 
the light work which, by all the laws of right, 
honor, fitness and decency, should be given to white 
females only. 

Eighteen hundred years ago, Ignatius of Antioeh, 
one of the most learned and successful of the early 
teachers and preachers of Christianity, in a letter to 
some of his friends in Smyrna, wrote thus : "I warn 
you beforehand against certain beasts in the shape 
of men ; whom you must not only not receive, but, 
if possible, must not even meet with ;" and there 
was among the primitive Komans, who lived long 
prior to the time of Ignatius, a popular proverb 
which reads thus : " If you live with those who are 
lame, you will yourself learn to iimp ; if you pass 
your time in the kitchen, you will smell of smoke ; if 
you touch tar, you will be defiled." Old as is this. 



i)2 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

Christian warning on tlie one hand, and ancient as is 
this profane proverb on the other, is it not probable 
that we might very materially improve our own social 
relations, and otherwise profit a great deal, by heed- 
ing them both ? 

Having investigated this subject pretty thoroughly, 
I have, for the last seventeen years, steadily believed, 
— and every day's experience confirms and strength- 
ens my belief, — that we cannot have negroes about 
us, in any capacity whatever, without sufiering, to a 
greater or less extent, deterioration and degradation ; 
wliereby we ourselves, or others near and dear to us, 
inevitably become more or less like negroes ; and it is 
for this alarming and all sufiicient reason that I feel 
well assured we ought never to have them about us 
at all ; or, if at all, as little, as seldom, and as far dis- 
tant, as possible. 

In the South, from the Potomac to the Gulf of 
Mexico, and from Cape Hatteras to the western con- 
fines of Arkansas, every private residence, every hotel, 
every refectory, every boarding-house, and every 
watering-place, is literally overflowing, bestunk and 
benastied with negroes ; and it is for this very reason 
that there is now scarcely a wall, or roof, or room, in 
all the South, that is conducive to the comfortable 
guestship of any white man, or white woman, or white 
child, of pure, natural instincts and good breeding. 

And, then, too, there are the negro barber-shops, and 
numerous other negro shops of nameless functions, 
which are now being sustained by white men, who are 
all the while deceiving and degrading themselves with 
the false notion that they can frequent and patronize 
such places, and yet be gentlemen! How truly may 
one say, in the language of a great poet, that the short- 
witted and pitiable white men who do this, do it 

" In witness of their own voluntary and beloved baseness." 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 53 

Then, too, comes to memoiy the significant and 
trutlifiil remark of the " golden-mouthed " Chiysos- 
•tom, 

" The fool's life is a greater calamity tlian death." 

So it is in the Sonth ; negroes here ; negroes there ; 
negroes everywhere ; constituting, on the right hand 
and on the left, before and behind, an ill-scented, 
ugly-looking and pernicious nuisance ; and yet there 
is a still worse feature of this most loathsome and de- 
plorable fact. It seems to be a general purpose or 
tendency on the part of the negroes now to aggregate 
themselves in rabbles and groups in those very places ; 
the cities and towns, where, of all places in the world, 
no negro's face should ever be an eyesore to Saxon 
vision. The direct and indirect influences of these 
hordes of improvident and vagabond negroes and their 
culpable employers on the poor white females of the 
South, are detrimental, distressful and ruinous to the 
last degree. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that, 
as a general rule, there is in the South, at this time, 
for poor white women, no opportunity afforded for 
obtaining an honest and respectable livelihood; no 
reasonable protection ; no popular security ; no com- 
mon humanity ; no ordinary equity ; no natural jus- 
tice. It was so under the bad old slave system, and I 
protested against it then ; it is so still, under the de- 
moralizing rule of Eadicalism, and I protest against it 
now. Between former times and the present, how- 
ever, there is this diflerence, — that, of late, the evils 
here complained of have been most tyrannically and 
cruelly increased ; and yet, all this unhappy and mis- 
chievous progress from bad to worse can be correctly 
accounted for in the fact that the pro-negro follies and 
corruptions of the Eadical party have already immeas- 
urably surpassed the pro-slavery follies and corrup- 
tions of the Democratic party. 



54 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

In tlie disjointed and rankling old times of slavery, 
tlie millions of poor whites at the South were always 
the victims alike of both the slaveholders and the 
negroes, — the slaveholders being the active and posi- 
tive, and the negroes the passive and negative, powers 
of oppression. Indeed, the oppression, in this case, 
was of the nature of a three-fold tyranny ; all the slave- 
holders, all the negroes, and the entire Democratic 
party, were practically against the poor wdiites ; and 
the same sort of tyranny, only in an aggravated form, 
is still kept up ; for while the ex-slaveholders and the 
ex-slaves are now, no less than heretofore, practically 
leagued together in barbarous alliance against this most 
unfortunate class of white persons, the Hadical party 
is giving to the outrage a length and breadth and 
strength and infamy of authority that was never even 
dreamed of before. 

Strange as this may seem to some, it is strictly true ; 
and it is, as I think, highly important that the people 
of the Kortli and the country generally should under- 
stand it. Time and again of late, — only within the 
last few months, — have I taken the liberty and tlie 
responsibility of remonstrating with old ex-slavehold- 
ers, who are still not only not ashamed to continue to 
keep themselves and their families surrounded and 
degraded with negroes, but who do this purposely and 
wiLlfully, and in a spirit of bitter discrimination against 
the poor whites, whom they will not employ under 
any circumstances whatever. As an additional proof 
that hereditary and life-long association with negroes 
and negro slavery renders even white men measura- 
bly devoid of honor, reason and justice, I may here 
state that the very last ex-slaveholder whom I con- 
versed with on this subject, only a few weeks since, — ■ 
a man who had been an officer of high rank in the 
pro-negro, pro-slavery Rebellion, — iired up with pas- 
sion and profanity, with tobacco-stained lips, and with 
a whiskey-tainted breath, answered me thus : 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 55 

" Hire," said lie, '* hire, poor white people ! No ! I'll see them 
damned first ! They shall not work for me. I will not hire one 
of them, whether man, woman or child. To hell with the poor 
whites ! They wanted slavery abolished. They flattered them- 
selves that, after the abolition of slavery, they would be hired to 
work, and would themselves receive the wages of labor. Now, 
damn them ! we proprietors of lands and houses mean to show 
them that we still prefer negroes. Besides, the negroes are will- 
ing to work for less wages, and we can manage them more easily. 
As for myself, I am resolved to do hereafter just as I have done 
heretofore ; I have always had negroes to work for me, and I 
always expect to have them." 

This is the sort of practical and perverted prefer- 
ence that the rebel and ex-rebel Democrats of the 
South are now generally giving to negroes over poor 
white people. And are not the Radicals, both of the 
Korth and of the South, doing j)recisely the same thing i 
They are ; and the doing of it, by whomsoever done, is 
sheer injustice and oppression ; and, indeed, to so great 
an extent has this injustice and oppression been carried 
by the adherents respectively of both the Democratic 
and Eadical parties (and all, apparently, w^ith the full 
sanction of these parties,) that, for the trilling difference 
between them, I would not give the feeble fillip of 
my little linger. 

Something more of the extent of the degrading and 
shameful interdependence and close association that 
still exists between the ex-slaveholders and ex-slaves 
of the South, may be seen by reference to an editorial 
article in the Lynchburg (Virginia) Advertiser, of so 
late a date as ]S"ovember 26, 1869, — from which I 
make the following brief but weighty extract : 

" Many of our large landholders are so wedded to the negro^ 
that they will employ no other kind of labor." 

It should not be forgotten that these large land- 
holders, who are " wedded" to the negro, and who 
have been so " wedded" for the last two hundred and 
fifty years, — and a part of whose base progeny, accord- 



Ob NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

iDg to the census of 1860, consists of 518,000 mulat- 
toes, — are men, or rather creatures in the shape of men, 
who claim to be gentlemen ! Comment on this pre- 
posterous claim, in view of the facts before us, would 
seem to be quite unnecessary. But it may as well be 
understood now as at any other time, that a day is 
near at hand when certain social and political disabili- 
ties, or other severe penalties, must be framed and 
enforced against the uncultivated and corrupt classes 
of our countrymen who still persist in the folly and 
wickedness of preferring negroes to white people. 

In behalf of the 55,000 white Unionists of the 
South, who bravely and nobly took up arms in defence 
of the Government of the United States, and in behalf 
of their sorely oppressed and outraged widows and 
orphans ; and also in behalf of hundreds of thousands 
of other white Unionists throughout the nation; I 
protest against the abnormal preference which is now 
so generally manifested, by Rebels and by Radicals 
alike, for unworthy negroes over worthy white people. 
Yalid, too, and easily explainable, are the grounds 
upon which I make this protest. 

There were, as already stated, 55,000 white Union- 
ists of the South, who served in the armies of the Re- 
public. These were the only Southern Unionists who 
fairly and squarely and fearlessly, and from principles 
of pure patriotism, placed themselves within the ranks 
of their country's defenders; and while they were 
bravely fighting for the maintenance of the free insti- 
tutions inherited from their forefathers, the negroes, 
with comparatively few exceptions, were pusillani- 
inously working under their masters' orders, in substan- 
tial support of slavery, secession and rebellion. 

Thus it is, then, with the really despicable but yet 
fortunate negroes. For their practical fidelity to 
their rebel masters and to the pro-slavery and pro- 
negro Confederacy, the Democrats, are now specifi- 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 57 

cally rewarding them with employments and places 
which rightfully belong to white people only ; while, 
for the services which it is fictitiously asserted they 
rendered to the Eepublic, the Radicals are conferring 
upon them privileges, powers and positions which 
demand their recognition as the superiors of white 
men, and the masters of white women ! 

Hardly has there ever lived upon the earth a 
more unjustly-dealt- with and truly pitiable class of 
people, than are the poor whites of the South, 
— more especially the poor white females of the 
South, — at this very time. Prior to the war, they 
w^ere the victims of slavery, rebellion, slaveholders 
and negroes ; and since the war they have been, and 
still are, the victims of ex-slaveholders, rebels, ex^ 
rebels, negroes, and the whole Radical party. It 
thus appears, and is true, that, for a long series of 
years, there has been, in effect at least, a general and 
unjust combination of parties, classes and circum- 
stances against the poor whites of the South ; and the 
result is, as a matter of course, a condition among 
them of ignorance, poverty and wretchedness, that 
has no parallel on the American continent. 

Of the vast number of poor white females now in 
the South, many of their fathers and husbands, who 
were wickedly deceived or forced into the slave- 
holders' rebellion, w^ere killed in battle; and they 
themselves, the females, — tens of thousands of them, 
■ — are now left landless, houseless and hungry. Most 
of them would like to work, but there is no one to 
employ them ; the landed proprietors, who alone are 
able to oifer employment, preferring negroes, whom 
they have been accustomed to, and familiar with, 
from the days of infmcy. 

Except in places few and far between, there are in 
the South, as all are well aware, no manufacturing 
establishments, no diversity of industrial pursuits, 



58 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

nothing but one rude system of agriculture. Workers^ 
therefore, whether male or female, must work on the 
farm or not work at all. It is plain, then, that our 
poor white women must do nothing,^or worse than 
nothing, or they must take the plow, or the hoe, or 
some other implement of husbandry, and go into 
the fields. This is the reason why 'so many white 
women and white girls are now engaged in out-door 
labor at the South, — some of them on their own 
lands, but many more on lands rented from their 
neighbors ; — and we have already seen how it is that 
so many negro men and other negroes are now em- 
ployed, at the South and elsewhere, within doors. 

Had I sufficient time, I could recount many indi- 
vidual cases of extreme hardship and suffering, which 
have lately come under my own observation^ among 
the poor white females in various parts of JSTorth 
Carolina. Let me present to the reader the facts in 
a single case, and he may then reasonably infer that 
there are, in every Southern State, hundreds and 
thousands of cases similar to it. The case to which I 
now have particular reference is one that involved, 
very recently, the ruin, at the same time, of two 
white girls, by two negro men ; and this under cir- 
cumstances which, rightly considered, would hold the 
white employer of those negroes as accessory to the 
crime. 

The victims, in this case, were two young white 
girls, aged respectively fifteen, sixteen. They were 
cousins, and were very poor and ignorant, but of good 
character. .The elder girl had been left an orphan 
just before the war. The father of the younger had 
been forced into the rebel army (to fight for negroes, 
slavery and slaveholders,) and was laid cold in death 
by a Union bullet. The mother of the younger girl 
had been supporting her orphaned niece, for several 
years, as best she could ; but, herself a widow, with 



NEW PAETT INKLINGS. . 59 

several small children, and with very scanty means ot 
subsistence for so large a family, it was suggested 
that the two young women should seek a livelihood 
by their own exertions. But what could they do? 
What opportunity had ever been afforded them to 
learn anything whatever? Even the natural advan- 
tages and refining influences which would have come 
to them from the just privilege (had it only been 
accorded,) of associating, as assistants and servants, 
with the better classes of their own race, had always 
been denied to them, and to all like them, and given 
to negroes instead. 

Yet they were both willing and anxious to work, 
and, with cheerful hearts, started off in pursuit of 
employment. They went to the nearest town ; 
inquired at all the hotels and boarding-houses, and 
also at most of the private residences ; and finally 
having failed to receive any offer for their services, 
they begged to be allowed to labor for the mere 
necessaries of life. This certainly was all that they 
could offer; but even this offer did not avail them. 
The unvarying answer everywhere made to their 
honest and urgent appeals, was the short, blunt, bluff 
monosyllable ^o ! — and yet, in almost every one of 
the dozens of houses at which they apj^lied for situ- 
ations, there were regularly employed from one to 
three, and sometimes as many as six or eight, negroes, 
and negroes only. 

Unable to obtain employment in town, they went 
back into the country. This was in the latter j^art of 
April of last year. A few miles from the town, they 
offered their services to an old, poor, hard-hearted 
firmer, who told them that if they would help him 
work in his fields until the first of I^ovember, he 
would board them, and then give each of them four 
dollars ! Think for a moment of the inexpressible 
meanness of this proposition. Only four dollars for six 



60 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

months' labor on the iirm ! Sixty-seven cents per 
montli ! Seventeen cents per week ! A fraction more 
than two cents per day. In view of this shabby but 
solitary bid for their services, what were these poor 
girls to do ? They had alread}^ offered to work in 
town for a bare living. Here for six months' labor on 
the farm, they conld get their board, and four dollars 
each besides. Ill-clad and hungry, they accepted this 
offer, and worked faithfully until the first of Novem- 
ber, when the old man, true to his little promise, (l)ut 
nothing more,) handed each of them four dollars, and 
discharged them. 

What were they to do now ? A Summer, which, day 
by day, had burdened them with the rough, out-door 
labor that men only should be expected to perform, 
had passed away, and the cold winds of Winter, 
against which their flimsy dresses promised little pro- 
tection, were already beginning to blow. They re- 
solved to go back to town, and there renew theii: 
efforts to nnd within doors, employment more suited 
to their feminine natures.; besides, with the little 
money they had, each of them would be able to buy at 
least a pair of shoes and one or two other much-needed 
articles. 

Acting on this resolution, they revisited the town, 
and again made application to almost every proprietor 
in the place, begging employment where they might 
at least earn their board, but failing to get it. At one 
of the hotels where they had vainly sought situations, 
several negro men and other negroes were employed, 
most of them at wages averaging ten dollars per 
month. Two of these negro men, whose business as 
waiters, was to wear wdiite aprons, and hand to the 
white guests such imponderable things as beef-steaks, 
bread and coff'ee, (and who were thus occupying places 
which should have been occupied only by these same 
white females, or by other white females,) seeing that 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 61 

the two poor girls wlio were honestly and diligently 
seeking employment, were contemptuously turneci 
away from every door, marked them for their victims, 
— and now have them for their mistresses ! 

My countrymen ! is it possible for you to come to a 
knowledge of facts like these, and not be moved with 
feelings of both grief and indignation ? As for my- 
self, I confess that, in being compelled to witness, on 
every hand, the perpetration of these indescribable 
wrongs, it has been, and is yet, difficult for me to pre- 
serve perfect coolness and moderation, whether in 
thoughts, in words, or in deeds. But for an unbounded 
faith in an overruling Providence, which, sooner or 
later, will bring light out of darkness, and order out of 
chaos, the mere contemplation of these still-existing 
and stupendous wrongs would be enough to drive ta 
madness every white person in the land, male and 
female, whose healthy sentiments of honor and whose 
enlightened love of justice, have not been vitiated by 
false teachers. 

Let us think for a few moments of the enormity and 
complexity of these crimes. Let us fairly locate the 
responsibility, and see where it rests. If we do this 
frankly, I fear we shall find that we ourselves are not 
entirely free from blame. ISTo, indeed ; for so certain 
as it is that there exists a God, so certain is it that we 
must do difierently, or we shall be justly doomed to 
perish with the heathen ; for in shamelessly and fanati- 
cally levelling ourselves to an equality with negroes,. 
and in actually forcing and degrading so many of the 
gentler sex of our own race to become the outcast 
victims of negroes, we are heathens already ; and of 
our unnatural and barbarous proceedings in this re 
spect, the whole tendency is toward heathenism of the 
blackest and broadest and basest type. In the vicious 
and monstrous preference that we are now so generally 
manifesting for negro servants over white servants, it 



62 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

is we who are scarcely less guilty of the atrocities here 
complained of, than the negroes themselves. 

What are the facts ? We pay, or we abet in paying, 
(that is to say, we patronize the hotels and other estab- 
lishments which pay,) negro men and other negroes 
ten dollars per month, more or less, for doing the light 
work which onght to be done only by poor white 
females ; bnt to these white females we will not give 
this work at any price whatever ; on the contrary, and 
more shameful still, we literally force them to undergo 
the hard, mascnline labors of out-door life ; and, to 
our deep disgrace, these labors we require of them at 
a rate of compensation, or rather lack of compensa- 
tion, which reduces them to a condition worse than 
slavery. 

No wonder is it, then, (although the fact is exceed- 
ingly humiliating and disgraceful,) that there is now, 
among our poor white women, both at the North and 
^t the South, so much laxity of morals. It is certain, 
however, that, with rare exceptions, the vice, in their 
€ase, is not innate. The shameful and wretched lives 
which they lead, are, for the most part, due to the 
dire straits, the semi-starvation, and the general injus- 
tice to which we ourselves, dii*ectly or indirectly, have 
most cruelly and criminally subjected them. And are 
we not still holding tliem to this worse than mere 
slavish subjection ? We are ; but, for the sake of 
every reasonable and just consideration, let us do this 
BO longer ; as we value our own manhood ; as we have 
regard to all the noble qualities and conditions which 
constitute triie womanhood ; as we hope for honor 
and health and happiness in this life ; and as we de- 
voutedly trust for mercy and for felicity in the life to 
come, let us at once cease to be parties to this abnor- 
mal and appalling wickedness. 

Another species of most gross and culpable favorit- 
ism which hundreds of thousands of our Democratic 



NEW PAETY LNKLINGS. Qi 

and Eadical countrymen have always manifested for 
negroes over wliite people, may be very properly pro- 
tested against in this connection. While from the 
whites, in a large majority of cases, certificates of 
former good character and good conduct are generally 
required by employers, from the negroes nothing is 
required but a black or brown skin, a woolly head, a 
thick skull, a flat nose, or a foul stench, — thus be- 
sottedly discriminating against white people, not only 
because of their superior fitness and capacity, but also 
because God, in his infinite freedom and wisdom, has 
been pleased to endow them with that heaven-adopted 
color which, from time immemorial, has been properly 
emblematic of innocence, purity and perfection. 

The facts in relation to a single case of this kind 
may be accepted as fairly illustrating thousands of 
similar cases that are occurring every day. Only a 
little while since, I went to a lady in the South, and 
asked her to receive into service a poor white girl, — a 
good girl, — who, having nothing to do, wished to work, 
so as to be able to support herself. This lady already 
had in her house two negro women, one of whom, 
Margaret, though not married, was the mother of four 
little imps, of whom two were full-blooded negroes, 
and the other two mulattoes ! In reply to my sugges- 
tion, this lady, whose misfortune it had been to be 
reared and associated with negro slaves and negro 
servants, from her infancy up, remarked inquiringly, 

" How am I to know that the girl is respectable ?" 
" Ah," I replied, " I am glad to find that you value 
respectability on the part of your servants. I can only 
assure you that, so far as I know, or have heard, the 
girl I have recommended to you is quite respectable. 
But why is this requirement made of white girls? 
and not of negro girls ? Is there not some unfair dis- 
crimination here against white girls? How many 
children has your black servant Margaret?" 



€4 NEW TAETT INKLINGS. 

" F-f-f-four," slie answered. 

" Is she married ?" I inquired. 

" ^-n-n-no," she replied. 

And this was the whole story, — only one, however, 
of thousands and tens of thousands of similar ones that 
might be told. JN^egroes and negresses of notoriously 
licentious natures, and very disreputable in many 
Dtlier respects, are almost universally employed in 
white families ; and yet, both strange and shameful to 
say, no certificate of character is ever required of 
them ; but when honest, virtuous white females apply 
for service, they are turned away with a heartless 
sneer, or a wicked innuendo. This as yet is more 
particularly the case with the old pro-slavery, pro- 
negro Democratic elements of the South, but there 
is much ground for apprehension that the pro-negro 
Radical elements, both of the North and of the South, 
are rapidly becoming tinctured with an equal degree, 
if not with a surpassing degree, of black baseness. 

Ever^^where have we given, and are still giving, the 
places of light labor within doors to negro men and 
other negroes, and are thereby turning out of doors, and 
keeping out of doors, scores of thousands of white 
women and white girls, who, poor, hungry and house- 
less, are exposed to countless varieties of the worst 
possible temptations and dangers. And thus it is that 
w^e white men are guilty of the grave offense of giving 
to negro men the encouragement and the power to 
victimize our own white females ; and thus it is, too, 
that from the same white females we are cruelly and 
criminally withholding the labor, and the wages of 
labor, and the opportunities for improvement, which 
they have a natural right to expect of us, and which, 
if given accordingly, would enable them to preserve 
and promote their own honor and happiness. 

Is there any rational man who, from whatever con- 
sideration, will ]3resume to stand up and contend that 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 65 

tills condition of things among us is characteristic of 
civilization, liberality, refinement and wisdom? I tell 
you, my countrymen, that this condition of things, 
bad now, very bad, indeed, and all the while tending 
from bad to worse, is characteristic only of shortsighted- 
ness, indecency, meanness and brutality. In conse- 
quence of having been in close contact with negroes 
all their lives, a large majority of the old slaveholders 
and slavehirers gradually and inevitably entailed upon 
themselves and their families (in most cases without 
knowing it,) a state of semi-barbarism ; but while some 
of us at the South, and many more at the North, saw 
this ; and while the deplorable and dishonorable fact 
of this semi-barbarism is even now a matter of general 
complaint at the ^^Torth ; yet so far from setting the 
South a better example, and having nothing whatever 
to do with negroes, the IS^orth, by arbitrary legislation 
and otherwise, is now forcing the negro into a position 
of far greater prominence and power than he ever had 
before, or than it w^as possible for him ever to reach, 
if left to himself; and all this to the very serious detri- 
ment and degradation of our whole white race, and 
more especially to the inexpressible outrage and ruin 
of our own white females. 

Yet, notwithstanding the facts here stated, there are 
at the North, many well-meaning but ill-informed 
philanthropists who subscribe liberally of their means 
for the establishment of schools for Southern negroes, 
but "who will subscribe nothing for the education of 
the much larger number of always worse-treat ed'poor 
Southern whites. Or, at best, these deluded philan- 
thropists couple their subscriptions, in these cases, 
with the unnatural, insulting and cruel condition that 
the poor whites may, if they like, avail themselves of 
the tuition offered in the negro schools ! 

These same good-intentioned but bad-acting philan- 
thropists seem to believe that the negroes, who are 



6Q NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

thus made tlie recipients of the larger part of the 
bounty of the great JN'orth, were all loyal during the 
late civil war. Loyal ? Yes ; as a general rule, they 
were decidedly loyal, — to their rebel masters ! This 
is the plain, unvarnished truth. Most of the negroes 
remained, all the time, in crouching and cowardly 
submission, at their masters' houses, and made bread 
and meat for the support of the armies of Jeff. Davis : 
and others, from the first outbreak of the Eebellion to 
its final suppression, labored hard in throwing up 
breastworks and other fortifications against the Union 
forces. That is the sort of loyalty that was displayed 
by nine-tenths of them. As slaves, they were the 
passive rebels, — their owners the active. Their fool- 
ish and contemptible old Democratic masters are still 
earnest and emphatic in praising them for their loy- 
alty on the Eebel side ; and their equally foolish and 
contemptible new Radical masters are also enthusi- 
astic in praising them for their loyalty to the Union ! 

Absurdly enough, in this way, the negroes get con- 
stant praise, and constant reward, from both sides ! 
On the other hand, the fifty-five thousand White 
Unionists of the South, who, at the risk of losing their 
lives and everything else they possessed in the world, 
volunteered their services in defense of the Republic, 
are now degraded beneath the negroes ; are less 
thought of and less cared for ; and, worse than all, 
many of their widows and daughters are now being 
literally betrayed or forced, as it were, into the brutal 
embraces of negro men! Oh, how shameful! how 
disgraceful ! how infamous ! With deep solemnity 
and concern, we should remember that a just God can 
never suffer these crimes to pass unpunished. 

Other phases of the Woman Question ought to 
be discussed, and would be, but for the lack of time 
and space. Certain it is that, under no other po- 
litical party, so much as under the Radical party. 



NEW PAETY mKLINGS. 67 

liave the poor white woraen of America ever been 
reduced to such extreme hardships, siiiFerings and 
woe, as they are now compelled to endure ; and 
equally certain is it, at the same time, that, under 
no other party, so much as under the Democratic 
party, have the white men and white women of 
America ever come so near losing their nationality, 
and with that, everything else that they hold of para- 
mount earthly importance. The antecedents, the vital 
principles, the present actions, and the prospective 
proceedings of these two parties, — the only parties 
now before the country, — are all bad ; and for this 
reason, for the very reason that these parties, as they 
now exist, are bad in all points and particulars, they 
should be discarded in toto^ and without delay. Let 
us discard them accordingly, and substitute in then- 
stead a new party, which, being based upon the great 
principles of natural truth, natural honor, and natural 
justice, shall be worthy of the support, and command 
the support, of the wisest and best men of the New 
World. 

While the Woman Question, the Labor Question, 
the Financial Question, the Alabama Question, the 
Indian Question, the jSTegro Question, and other ques- 
tions of growing importance, are certain to receive a 
large share of our attention in the Atlantic States 
during the next tw^o or three years at least, the 
Chinese Question, on the Pacific slope of our conti- 
nent, is also coming to be a matter which will soon 
demand of us the most serious consideration and dis- 
cussion. Frankly expressed, my own opinion upon 
this subject is, that, if we are wise, we will etfectually 
oppose and prevent the coming to our country of any 
more of the inferior races of mankind, whether black 
or brown, — incongruous, anarchical and degrading 
races, of which, or of wliom, we have too many 
already. 



68 NEW PAKTY INKLINGS. 

• It is enough, and too much, that we have already 
disgraced and polluted our Atlantic domain with the 
fatal blackness and barbarism of Africa ; let us not 
impair and depreciate our Pacific possessions with the 
pernicious puniness and paganism of Asia. Many of 
the same evils which we have long suffered, and are 
still suffering, from the presence among us of the ne- 
groes on the Atlantic, are now being rapidly intro- 
duced among us by the Chinese on the Pacific ; and 
if we do not check the movements of these swarms of 
pestilent and destructive vermin, we shall find that 
our entire continent will soon become one vast area of 
dissension, discord and strife, " where the most hetero- 
geneous elements will subsist together side by side^ 
weakening and debilitating the whole body," Away, 
then, with these vermin, both black and brown, — as 
we would away with the locusts, and the lice, and the 
other plagues of Egypt ! 

In special reference to the Chinese in California, 
Mr. Henry George, in the course of a long and inter- 
esting essay on the subject, which was published in 
full in the New York Tribune, of May 1, 1869, tells 
us that, 

" There are about 05,000 Chinamen in California and adjacent 
States and Territories, From San Diego to Sitka, and bacli into 
Montana, Idaho, Nevada and Arizona, throughout the enormous 
stretch of country of which San Francisco is the commercial cen 
tre, they are everywhere to be found. Every town and every 
hamlet has its ' Chinatown,' — its poorest, meanest and filthiest 
quarter. * * * The great recommendation of Chinese labor 
(if, indeed, this be a recommendation,) is its cheapness. There 
are no people in the world who are such close economists 
as the Chinese. They will live, and live well, according to 
their notions, where an American or an Englishman would 
starve. A little rice suffices them for food, and a small piece 
of pork cooked with it constitutes high living. Their clothes 
cost but little, and last for a long while. Chinamen, of course, 
as other people, like luxuries, and indulge in them as far 
as they can; but their standard of comfort is much lower than 
that of our own people. — very much lower tlian that of any of the 
European emigrants who come among us. This fact enables them 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 69 

to underbid all competitors in the labor market. Eeduce wa^-es 
to-the starvation point for our mechanics, and the Chinaman will 
not merely be able to work for less, but to live better than at 
home, and to save money from his earnings. And thus, in every 
case in which the Chinese come into fair competition with white 
labor, the whites must either retire from the field or come down 
to the Chinese standard of living. * * * The Chinese in Califor- 
nia are rapidly monopolizing employment in all the lighter 
branches of industry usually allotted to women, such as running 
sewing-machines, making paper bags and boxes, binding shoes, 
labeling and packing medicines, &c., &c. * * * These people' 
are born in China, reared in China, expect to return to China, and 
live while here in a little China of their own, without the slight- 
est attachment to the United States, — utter heathens, treacherous, 
sensual, cowardly and cruel." 

Too well do we know already who and what the 
negroes are ; and here we are told plainly and truth- 
fully who and what the Chinese are. And are these 
negroes and Cliinese the sorts of people with whom 
it should be a special object with us, Eadical-fashion 
and Democratic-tashion, to populate the American 
CQntinent. God forbid ! In vain, in one very im- 
portant respect, will Columbus have discovered the 
New World, if we do not, sooner or later, take and 
keep every foot of the soil, from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, and from the frozen seas of the IS'orth to the 
frozen seas of the' South, for the exclusive uses and 
occupation of the white races forever. Give us, then, 
— give us fast, give us soon, — all the men, women 
and children who can be induced to come to America 
from Europe ; but not one more from Africa ; not one 
more from Asia ; not one more from Oceanica. 

Among the many very significant and weighty 
facts recorded in Mr. George's essay on the Chinese 
in California, is one which informs us that the 
managers of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, — 
the largest and most wealthy and influential company 
of the kind in the United States, — have recently dis- 
charged all their white firemen, and many other 
white employees, and have given their places to 



70 NEW PARTY INKLIXGS. 

Chinamen. This is ahnost as wrong and outrageous 
as if their places had been given to negroes. It is 
only one of the many ways in which, of late, both 
sexes of the poorer classes of the white races are, on 
every hand, being swindled out of their just and 
essential rights. This unnatural and reprehensible 
conduct on the part of the Pacific Mail Steamship 
Company, is exactly on a par with our giving to 
negro men and other negroes positions in hotels, 
refectories, boarding-houses, private residences, steam- 
boats, railroad-cars, and various other establishments, 
to all of which they themselves, as a race, are total 
strangers ; and not only so, but they are, at the same 
time, utterly unambitious and incapable of ever 
inventing or constructing anything of the kind on 
their own account. 

It may, I think, be laid down as an axiom, that, in 
all establishments and places, both private and public, 
and in connection with all the great machines and 
articles of manufacture and merchandise, which are 
exclusively of Caucasian origin, the poorer classes of 
our own race only should be employed ; for, in truth, 
tliese classes have by nature a sort of usufructuar}^ 
and perpetual right to all the collateral and sub- 
ordinate employments, and to all the advantages of 
such employments, which are offered in the distinctive 
and transcendent improvements made by white men. 
And when, foolishly and willfully ignorin^^ the su- 
perior ability and fitness of the whites, we till indoor 
places Avith negroes, with Chinamen, or with other black 
or brown or bi-colored inferiors, w^e thereby simply 
defraud and outrage the poor of our own race, to 
whom alone, and of right, such places belong. By 
the same acts, and at the same time, we mar the 
beauty, impair the excellence, depreciate the value, 
and expose to abuse and destruction, almost every- 
thing that we give in charge of those naturally 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 71 

different and defective persons (negroes and Chinese, 
and other blacks and browns,) who have no dispo- 
sition nor aptitude to take rank m any of the higher 
vocations or pursuits of civilization. 

Races have rights, as well as individuals ; races 
have rights, as well as communities ; races have 
rights, as well as nations. It follows, then, that, 
against races there may be treason, the same as 
against persons, the same as against associations, the 
same as against commonwealths. And, with special 
reference to ourselves, it may, I think, be truthfully 
averred that treason at this time, in this country, 
against our own race, is a crime of even greater 
atrocity than treason against the State. Impressed 
with the correctness of this view, I hesitate not to say 
that, as it seems to me, every white American who 
is, by choice, or by preference, the employer in the 
United States of any servant or other person who is 
not white, is a vile traitor to his race, and a sower of 
the seeds of immorality, dissension, strife, demorali- 
zation and ruin. It was just such treason as this, — 
treason against race, coupled finally with political 
treason, (for one species of treason engenders another,) 
— that has so recently involved the pro-negro Demo- 
crats of the South in complete discomfiture. So sure 
as great crimes, until expiated, are ever under the 
whip and spur of eternal justice, so sure is it that the 
particular sort of black treason here denounced, will 
very soon bring about the disintegration and down- 
fall of the pro-negro Radicals. 

Is it asked whether I would make it a point to 
withhold employment from the black and brown 
races who are already here ! I answer, I would at 
once, or as soon as possible, cease to be guilty of 
treason to my own race. After a determinate time 
in the near future, — not furtlier ahead than the ttth 
of July, 1876, — I would rigidly and scrupulously 



72 KEW PARTY IXKLINGS. 

withhold all employments and all countenance from 
the black and brown races ; and I would do this as an 
elt'ectual reminder to them of the momentous pro- 
priety of their emigrating from among us. Once 
finding them convinced that America is not, and 
cannot be, their permanent home, I would, in accord- 
ance with the sound suggestions of Jefferson, Lincoln, 
and other Rational Republicans, contribute liberally 
for their colonization in San Domingo, or elsewhere. 

The next matter which seems to demand our 
special consideration, is the crippled condition, and 
the utter humiliation of our shipping interests, as 
consequences of the late and wide-spread depredations 
of the Alabama and other Anglo-Rebel pirates. But 
I have no time now to dwell upon these weighty 
grievances, except to ask my readers to visit the 
wharves and docks of our principal ports of entry, 
and to see for themselves (ah, and to see with indig- 
nation and shame,) how generally and how rapidly 
they are being converted into British ports ! Let 
the'm look — lef us all look — at the British flag, blurred 
with the foul stains of international treachery, a fell 
emblem of bad faith, flaunting Americans in the face 
at almost every one of our own quays and piers ! 
Yes ; from Maine to Texas, from California to 
Alaska, all our harbors are crowded w^ith British 
vessels of almost every grade. 

In one of the commercial newspapers of Liverpool, 
which I examined only a few weeks since, there were 
advertised one hundred and four British steamers (and 
British sailing vessels by hundreds and hundreds,) for 
American ports ; but in none of the commercial news- 
papers of ]^ew York or elsewhere, have I yet been 
able to flnd a single American steamer advertised for 
a British port. All over the ocean has England been 
carrying on war against us ; she has burnt our ships ; 
she * has destroyed our commerce ; yet we, like a 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 73 

mighty multitude of nerveless poltroons, are, with only 
a lew feeble words of protest, still freighting, and 
otherwise patronizing, British bottoms ! Thus are we 
ourselves, as a nation, aggravating the injuries done 
us, and adding to our own disgrace ! 

Although it is probable that, thus far, nothing has 
been lost by delay, yet it is certain that the time is 
now fast approaching when our large and just claims 
against England, in this regard, should be settled. 
More than four years ago, and again at least eighteen 
months ago, I suggested (and am on record according- 
ly,) that, not merely on account of the intrinsic value of 
the territory itself, but also because of the great pres- 
tige which its possession would give us, we should, in 
the settlement of the Alabama claims, acquire the 
whole of British America. More recently. Senator 
Chandler of Michigan, has proposed the same thing ; 
and, holding, as he does, a high office in the nation, 
and being, therefore, in far better position to be heard 
upon a great international question of this kind, the 
proposition has been caught up and endorsed with 
quite as much enthusiasm as if he had been the first 
to make it ; and of all this I am heartily glad ; for it 
shows that the general idea is good in itself, and that 
its earliest conception was both sound and felicitous. 

And now with the following series of sim^^le and 
compound suggestions, eighteen in number, which I 
would respectively submit as so many bases upon 
which it is believed to be important and necessary that 
a new political party should be organized, I shall 
very soon finish what I have to say in this chapter, 
and will then leave my countrymen to effect the 
organization, or to assist in effecting it, or not, as may 
best accord with their own opinicms of private and pub- 
lic duty : 



74 NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 

! 

1. Unflinching Fidelity to the True and Enlightened 

Principles of Eepublican Government. These 
Principles, however, could ISTever be Put into 
Pull and Perfect Practice in Communities where 
Slavery existed ; nor Can they ever be Carried 
Out in Communities that are Made Up of any 
Considerable JSTumber of E'egroes, Mulattoes, 
Indians, Mongolians, or other Black or Brown 
Representatives of the Naturally and Grossly 
Inferior Races of Mankind. 

2. The Perpetual Maintenance of the Union, under 

the Administration of Just and Propitious 

Laws. 

3. No more Carrying of the American Mails in British 

Vessels; no more American Passenger Traffic 
on British Steamers ; and no more Importa- 
tions of Merchandise in British Bottoms, 
except under Heavily Discriminating Duties on 
British Tonnage. l\o more Cowardly Kissing of 
the Unfriendly Hand tliat Smote us on the High 
Seas ! No more Strengthening by us of the 
Adventitious and Antagonistic Arm of Albion 
that was so Perfidiously Raised to Strike us 
Down ! 

4. The Acquisition and Annexation of the Whole of 
• British America, from Cape Race to Vancouver's 

Island, and from the North Pole to Lake Erie, in 
Pull or Part Payment and Satisfaction of the 
Alabama Outrages. 

5. The Gradual Absorption into our Great American 

Nationality of 1)oth Mexico and Central America, 
down to the Isthmus of Darien. 



NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 75 

6. The Immediate Pm-chase, by tlie United States, of 

San Domingo, of Haj^ti, or of Cuba, to be Used, 
at the Earliest possible Day, as a sort of Waste- 
Basket Receptacle for om* American ^STegroes and 
Mulattoes, and for All of our other Black and 
Brown Rubbish of the Genus Homo. 

7. The Inauguration and Pursuit of such a ]!^ational 
i Policy as will Result in the Early and Complete 

Oyerflowing of the Semi- Africanized States of the 
South with Northern and European Emigrants, 
who will Americanize those States, and so Bring 
them into such Harmony of Sentiment, Purpose 
and Action as will Guarantee the Timely Reali- 
zation of the Grand American Idea of a Peace- 
ful, Prosperous and Powerful Continental Re- 
public. 

8. A more Strict and Practical Subordination of the 

Military to the Civil Authorities ; and the Con- 
stant Keeping of the Military in the Background ; 
for while the Promotion of Military Men to the 
Highest Positions in a Nation, is Incitive to War 
and Inimical to Peace, it 'is also at Variance with 
the Fundamental Principles of Republican 
Government. 

9. Payment, in Good Faith, of Every Dollar of our 

National Debt, but riot at a Higher Rate of In- 
terest, in Any Case, than was Plainly Stipulated. 

10. A more Just and Reasonable Grade of Salaries 
for Public Functionaries in our Civil Service, 
both at Home and Abroad, whereby all will be 
Fairly Compensated ; and Not as Now ; for, at 
the Present Time, while a Few are more than 
Adequately Remunerated, a Great Majority are 
Underpaid. 



76 NEW PARTY INKLIXGS. 

11. A Law so Defining and Eegnlating ilie Proper 

Distribution of Appointments in tlie Public 
Service, that sucli Disgraceful and Demoralizing 
Scrambles for Office as were Recently Witnessed 
in the City of Washington, may Ko Longer be 
Tolerated with Impunity. 

12. Kecognition by Law of the Obvious Distinctions 
which Nature has been Pleased to Make in the 
Several Races of Mankind ; and no more Tyranni- 
cal Forcing of White People into Intimate Asso- 
ciations or Relations with Is"egroes. 'No with- 
holding of Justice from White Men, and no Un- 
due Shielding of Them from Amenableness to the 
Laws, by Ignorant and Yenal E'egro Jurors. No 
Degradation of White Children by Sending them 
to Kegro Schools. No Afiiliation nor Comming- 
ling with iSTegroes in Matters of either Church or 
State ; and no Familiarities with Them in Society. 
Prohibition of Marriage between Wliites and 
Blacks; and such Severe Penalties and Punish- 
ments upon both the Beastly Fathers and Mothers 
of Mulattoes, as will Henceforth Prevent the In- 
crease of such MonoTel Monsters anions: Us."^ 

13. IS"© Manner of Encouragement to the Chinese, nor 

to any otlier Race of Asiatics, to become Coolies 
or Laborers in the United States ; and no Coun- 
tenance -to the Shameless and Yicious Proposi- 
tion to Introduce more iS^egroes among us, whether 
from Africa, or from any other Source Whatever. 



♦According to the Daily Evening Sta7% of Washino-ton City, iiudor date o» 
May 6, 1870, there were, in that negro-carsed capital, during the previous year, 
no less than fifteen marriages between whites and blacks ! The mere mention 
of facts like these, is enough to appal with horror, or to inflame with rage, 
every respectable and right-minded man in America. 



I 



NEW PARTY INKLINGS. 77 

14. Liberal Inducements to all the Is'egroes, Mnlat- 
. toes and Mongolians, wlio (Unfortunately for Us,) 

are now among ns, to Emigrate to Whatever 
Place or Places they may Prefer, Beyond the 
Present and Prospective Limits of the United 
States. 

15. A l^ational Convention in Philadelphia, on the 
4th of July, 18T6, of not Less than Five able Eep- 
resentatives from each State, and Two from each 
Territory, to Eemain in Session as many Days or 
"Weeks or Months as may be I^ecessary, to Frame, 
and to Submit for Adoption by the People, a 
'New Federal Constitution, or to so Pevise and 
Amend our Present Fundamental Charter of 
Rights and Privileges, as that all our States, in 
their Pelations with the General Government, 
may be Put on an Absolutely Just and Equal 
Footing; with Correlative Prerogatives and Obli- 
gations so Specifically and Unmistakably Defined 
as to leave Thenceforth not an Iota of Qood Ground 
for Complaint or Dissatisfaction in any Place 
Whatever. 

i 6. Statutory Stigmatizing and Punishment of Drunk- 
enness as a Crime, with such Adequate Penalties 
Affixed and Enforced as will Secure to Us, in the 
Main, IS'ational Sobriety; but Yet with Full 
Liberty to All Persons to Drink When and What 
they Please. No Whetting of the Appetite for 
Spirituous Liquors, by Laws which Forbid the Use 
of Them ; — Innocence jn Moderation ; Guilt in 
Excess. Inebriety on the Part of Public Servants 
to be Followed, in all Cases, by Immediate De- 
position from the Offices which they Dishonor, 
and by such other Forfeitures or Inflictions as 
may be Provided for Offenders in General. 



78 NEW PAETY INKLINGS. 

17. 1^0 more SendiDg of Negroes Abroad as Eepre- 

sentative Americans. It was a White Man who 
Discovered America ; it was another "White Man 
who Gave it a Xame; and it was still another 
White Man nnder whose Wisdom and Yalor it 
. became a Separate and Independent Power upon 
the Earth. The White Man only is the Kepre- 
sentative American ; and Wherever it is not 
Proper for the White Man to Go in that Ca« 
pacitj, no one Else should be Sent. 

18. Justice to all the White Females of our Country, 

and no more Inhuman Mistreatment of Them as 
the Inferiors of I^egroes. 'No further Patronage 
to Hotels, Boarding-Houses, Eefectories, nor other 
Places, where the Employment of Negroes Within, 
forces White Women Without; and no further 
Direct or Indirect Kesponsibility on our Part for 
such Base and Brutal Outrages as Negro Men are 
now so Frequently Perpetrating against White 
Women. 



CHAPTER n. 

THE UNWISDOM ANT) FUTILITY 

OF 

POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

How happy is he born or taught. 

That servoth not another's will: 
Whose armor is his honest thought, 

And simple truth his utmost skill. 

WOTTON. 

In the Summer of 1859,— eleven years ago,— I met, 
at the St. I*[icholas Hotel, in the city of Kew York, 
Ex-Gov. John M. Morehead, of my own State,— and 
a few weeks later, at the same place. Gov. John W. 
Ellis, also of :^orth Carolina. With both of these 
gentlemen I had already been well acquainted, and al- 
ways on friendly terms, in the Old North State, — 
more especially with Gov. Ellis, with whom I had, 
for many years, been a fellow-townsman in Salisbuij. 
At that time, my " Impending Crisis of the South " 
had been published about two years ; but of so very 
little importance did these gentlemen affect to regard 
it, that neither of them had yet seen it; and when I 
proposed to present each of them a copy of the work, 
and inquired whether they had ever taken the trouble 
to inform themselves of the great disproportions 
which existed, as results, between the free white labor 
of the IN'orth and the black slave labor of the South, 
they both unhesitatingly and frankly declared that 
they had never read anything whatever on the anti- 
slavery side of the subject; and one of them added 



79 



80 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAIXST NATURE. 

that he had always believed slavery a thing so em- 
inentl}^ right and proper in itself, and withal, so fixedly 
and invulnerably established in the country, that he- 
was at a loss to perceive that anything in the least 
contrarj' to his life-long convictions in the matter^ 
ever had become, or ever could become, a question 
for his own serious consideration. 

In relating this little story, ni}^ object has been to 
call attention to the fact, — an important fact, which I 
should be glad to impress deej)ly on the minds of my 
readers, — that, until recently, our most eminent and 
influential men at the South, men who were them- 
selves slaveholders, and who were almost exclusively 
the aspirants to, and the recipients of, official honors,, 
were confessedly, perversely and persistently unread 
on the subject of their own darling system of slave- 
labor, — the blind and bigoted maintenance of which 
was, Avith very rare exceptions, the chief end and aim 
of all they said and did. Each of these gentlemen 
(than whom, in a general way, there were few worthier 
in Carolina,) had been honored with the highest dis~ 
tinction that the State could confer upon them. As 
pul-)lic servants, they were learned, able and upright ; 
and, in all their personal relations, they were just,, 
courteous and candid. Yet they both had the mis- 
fortune to be pro-slavery slaveholders ; and, like too 
many others of this A^ery stubborn and OA^erweening 
class, they did not have the moral courage to listen to 
anything, nor to learn anything, that Avould liaA'-e a 
tendency to convict them of aiding and abetting a 
practice so balefully unwise and wrong as negro 
slaA^ery. 

So much for a couple of distinguished defenders of 
slavery, aa'Iio knew nothing, and AAdio Avanted to knoAV 
nothing, of the anti- slavery side of the slavery ques- 
tion ; and noAv for a brace of celebrated and merito- 
rious advocates of freedom, who, however, strange and 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 81 

sad to say, are, at the same time, effective champions 
of the negro, as against the white man, without having 
ever studied, — according to their own acknowledg- 
ment, — without having ever studied the conspicuous 
and incompatible peculiarities of the negro's nature. 
1 here allude to two gentlemen possessed of more than 
ordinary degrees of culture and refinement, with 
v\'hom I esteem it a great honor to be acquainted ; and 
I sincerely regret that candor, in connection with a 
recent and unexpected concatenation of events, com- 
pels me thus publicly to take issue with them, — as 
both of them very well know I felt constrained to do 
privately, many years ago, — on the negro question. 

It was in the Spring of 1859, only a few weeks be- 
fore I had conversed with the two pro-slavery South- 
rons above named, that both of the anti-slavery gentle- 
men to whom I now refer, Mr. Wendell Phillips and 
Mr. William Lloyd Garrison, were on a temporary 
visit to the city of New York, where I was then liv- 
ing, and where I called on them to pay my respects, — ■ 
first, on Mr. Phillips and then on Mr. Garrison, — ■ 
having previously become acquainted with them in 
Boston, where both of them had already taken excep- 
tion to what they were pleased to term the anti-negro 
sentiments contained in my " Impending Crisis of tlie 
South." Calling, as already stated, first on Mr. Phil- 
lips, between whom and myself there passed a few 
words of formal politeness, chiefly in the way of in- 
quiries about health, I said substantially to him, that, 
while I entertained profound respect for him person- 
ally, and was filled with admiration of his wise and 
courageous career on the slavery question, so far 
as that question was disconnected from others, yet I 
honestly and widely difl'ered from him in reference to 
the negro. Further, I assured him, — and assured him 
of the truth, — that when I began my simple process 
of solving " the sum of all villanies," and to institute 



82 POLITICAL WAEFAEE AGAINST NATCEE. 

statistical comparisons between free white labor and 
black slave labor, I forced away from myself all man- 
ner of prejudice, and every tinge and shade of dis- 
position to be unfair. For truth's sake, I was quite 
ready, if required by truth, then and there, or at any 
■ctther time or elsewhere, to unlearn everytliing I knew. 
Proof given to me that I was in error, would have 
been the signal for me to abandon the error ; and that 
I would have done at once as a duty, and w^ith cheer- 
fulness. 

On the slavery question, pure and simple, there was 
no difference between us. Our aspirations and our 
aims were all for freedom. We were both busy in 
shying stones at slavery; but while we were thus 
hand in hand in pursuit of a common enemy, the 
motives impelling us onward were by no means the 
same. He liked the negro, and could see no in- 
equality between whites and blacks. I preferred the 
white man, whom I regarded as the natural superior 
of the negro, and regretted that the country was not 
whitened and Saxon ized from Maine to Texas, and 
from Florida to Oregon. Indeed, one of the para- 
mount reasons which influenced me to offer an unyield- 
ing opposition to slavery, was because, under the vile 
and teeming stimulants of slave-breeding, slave-selling 
and slave-buying, by white creatures in the shape of 
men, the system was blackening up and tilling up all 
the Southern States, and even threatened to blacken 
lip and fill up the territories of Kansas and I^ew Mexi- 
co, and other parts of the great West, with a perni- 
ciously heterogeneous and inferior race. 

It seemed to me that, not slavery alone, but slavery 
<:ind negroes were undermining and destroying the 
whole South, and, as a matter of course, causing mo- 
mentous concern to the nation at large. The negro, 
as I had always seen and known him, was an exceed- 
ingly incongruous and inauspicious element of our 



POLITICAL WAEFAEE AGAINST NATUEE. 83: 

population ; yet when really and truly put upon liis 
own resources, and left to himself, he was compara- 
tively feeble and worthless ; and if not in some man- 
ner provided for by white men, to the serious and 
unreasonable detriment of themselves, or of the com- 
munity, he would, like the Indian, gradually and 
finally pass away, — leaving the whites in exclusive 
and happy possession of the entire continent. 

These, in substance, were some of the views which 
I respectfully and deferentially advanced to Mr. 
Phillips : and I then asked him to be kind enough, if 
my opinions of the negro were wrong and his were 
right, to favor me with the greater light or infor- 
mation which he possessed on the subject, or to tell 
me where and how I could obtain it, and I would, 
thenceforth, with a grateful heart, do myself the 
pleasure of basking in the sunshine of his own 
brighter and better rays of thought and knowledge. 
In reply to this request, which I endeavored ta 
emphasize with all possible earnestness, Mr. Phillips, 
remarked substantially, that he had never made the 
nature of the negro a special study, but had always, 
taken it for granted that the natures of whites and 
blacks were so entirely alike, or so nearly alike, that 
there was scarcely room to consider them separately. 

Almost imniecliately after the termination of my 
interview with Mr, Phillips, I sought Mr. Garrison, 
and appealed to him, as I had just appealed to his 
illustrious coadjutor in a liberal and noble cause, for 
evidence, if evidence could be adduced, that the 
negro was worthy of the very high esteem in which I 
confessed I was much surprised to find him (the 
negro) held by many of the Boston abolitionists. 
Mr. Garrison's reply difiered little from ]|[r. Phillips'^ 
— and was not a whit more lucid or sati^actory. He 
knew the negro only as a slave, and had made no 
particular investigations in regard to his past history^ 



84 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATTJIIE. 

nor in reference to any otlier fact characteristic of his 
mental, moral or physical qualities. The iniquitous 
system of slavery which then surrounded and con- 
trolled the negro overshadowed all other consider- 
ations concerning him; and, therefore, the abolition 
of slavery, regardless of all collateral issues, .was the 
imperative business of the hour. 

Whether the white man and th« negro were one by 
nature, or whether they were created separately and 
differently, could, perhaps, never be positively ascer- 
tained, — it was, with every human being, of what- 
ever way of thinking, a mere matter of opinion ; but, 
as for himself, although he had read no work that 
treated the negro as belonging to a distinct and lower 
species of mankind, yet he had never doubted that all 
men had a common parentage, and he believed they 
should all, irrespective of race, color or condition, be 
invested with the same rights, privileges and im- 
munities. 

I have thus related, in substance, what was said to 
me, eleven years ago, by two Southern gentlemen of 
position an4 influence, who were intensely pro-slavery, 
'but who, nevertheless, had read i^^thing, and would 
learn nothing, against slavery, — and by two Northern 
gentlemen of great distinction and worth, who were 
uncompromisingly devoted to the general principles 
of freedom for all ; but who were also, at the same 
time zealously pro-negro, without knowing, and ap- 
parently without caring to know, that the negro, as 
compared with the white man, is, in all the quantities 
and qualities of his nature, manifestly and immutably 
marked by many inferior traits of character. 

And now, what are the legitimate inferences to be 
■drawn fror^ these several facts ? Are men who 
blindly and obstinately adhere to any one theory 
without ever examining its counterpart, — are such 
men fl.t to be the moulders or the fashioners of public 



POLITICAL WAEFAEE AGAINST NATURE. 85 

opinion ? IN'otliing is more certain than tliat men of 
this sort, no matter what canse they may espouse or 
oppose, will ever run from one extreme of fanaticism 
to another. They are incompetent and dangerous 
teachers, and ought to be heard only by persons of 
quick and deep penetration, or by those who will 
always listen with critical caution. Mr. Morehead 
and Mr. Ellis were fair types of at least seven-eighths 
of the slaveholding elements of the South, whose hot- 
brained folly and fanaticism were exhibited in a deter- 
mination to retain and extend slavery at whatever 
hazard, even, if it could not be done with less cost, 
at the sacrifice of the Republic itself. Mr. Phillips 
and Mr. Garrison were, and are still, the represent- 
atives of a large number of well-meaning but 
opinionated people at the North, who have never yet 
been able to perceive that the slavery question and 
the negro question were and are, of right and of 
reason, two separate and distinct issues. 

From teachers like these, whether on the one side 
or on the other, the country can never gain any sound 
or healthy instruction. Only a few years since, the 
propagandists of pro-slavery sentiments in the South- 
ern States became so rash and tyrannical, and withal 
so irresistible in numbers and power, that they would 
not, even in a remote degree, tolerate the expression 
nor the publication of any other sentiments. Un- 
wisdom and audacity like this was sure to be over- 
taken, sooner or later, by severe penalties, — and such 
penalties are already resting on the South, many of 
them, too, of such a nature, unfortunately, that they 
have been made to fall indiscriminately on the guilty 
and on the good alike. 

Are no penalties to be incurred at fp l^orth, and 
in the nation generally, by pursuing a course equally 
wrong and outrageous on the negro question ? Good 
actions usually spring from good thoughts ; and the 



86 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

disposition and ability to think rightly, will almost 
invariably be succeeded by unimpeachable conduct. 
Whether the Anglo-American is one particular sort 
of man, and the negro another sort, or whether they 
are both alike, is, I submit, a matter which, like most 
other matters, had better be known than unknown. 
If they are essentially different, no one set of laws, 
rules or regulations is equally applicable to both. If 
they are of one common origin, — if they are the same 
in their nature, — there should be no discriminating 
statutes, customs, words, deeds nor influences in favor 
of the one, nor against the other. 

Yet I unhesitatingly aver that, to me, the use of 
any form of expression intimating that there may not 
be natural differences and antagonistic inequalities 
between the various communities and nations of men, 
sounds as preposterous as would be any figure or 
speech denyhig that there are numerous kinds of 
animals, birds, fishes and insects. It has been truth- 
fully and aptly remarked that '' ^NTature never repeats 
herself" ; and this same idea has been well expressed 
by Guyot, who declares that " the Author of all 
things is too rich in his conceptions ever to repeat 
himself in his works." When God made the world, 
it pleased him to make in it no two things alike. 
Xor, of all the countless myriads of things of sub- 
sequent creation, has any one thing ever found in 
anything else a perfect equal. And as in this respect 
it has always been in the past, so, without a solitary 
exception, will it ever be in the future. In weight, 
in color, in size, or in shape, or otherwise in quantity 
or in quality, every one thing will always differ, in a 
greater or less degree, from every other thing. In 
the graphic Mfcguage of Paul, of Tarsus, 

" All flesli is not the same flesh ; but there is one kind of flesh 
of man, another flesh of beasts, another of fishes, and another of. 
birds. There are also celestial bodies, and bodies terrestrial ; but 



POLITICAL WAEFARE AGAINST NATURE. 87 

tlie o-lory of the celestial is one, and the glory of the terrestrial is 
another. There is one glory of the sun, and another glory of the 
moon, and another glory of the stars ; for one star ditiereth Irom 
another star in glory." 

Opportunely and significantly, in this connection, 
does the learned Trench exclaim, 

" How great a part of true wisdom it is to be able to distinguish 
between things that differ, things seemingly, but not really, 
alike ! " 

Says Milton, 

" I oft admire 
How Nature, wise and frugal, could commit 
Such disproportions." 

Again says Milton, 

" Orders and degrees 
Jar not with liberty, but well consist." 

With equal truth says Pope, 

" Order is Heaven's first law ; and this confessed 
Some are, and must be, greater than the rest." 

Cowley also assures us that, 

" The world's a scene of changes ; and to be 
Constant in Nature were inconstancy." 

In one of its dissertations on the wonderful diver- 
sities and dissimilarities of N"ature, the "New Amer- 
ican Cyclopsedia," in its article on Ani77ial says, 

" In respect to varieties in size, the animal kingdom presents a 
far wider range than the vegetable kingdom. The extremes m 
the former are the whale, sometimes 100 feet long, and weighmg 
as many tons, and the animalcule, of some species of which 30,000 
individuals may inhabit a single drop of water; while in the 
latter, we find on the one hand, the cocoas of Malabar, 50 feet m 
circumference, and the talipot of Ceylon, a single leaf of which 
may shelter 20 men from the rain, and on the other, the micro- 
scopic fungi, as the yeast plant, or those constituting the mould 
on decay in tr substances. Dick calculates that the largest trees of 



SS POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

Guiana are 2,985,984,000,000,000 times as large as the rose-leaf 
plant ; while the largest whale is, to the minutest animalcule, as 
34,560,000,000,000,000,000 to 1. The number of species, and prob- 
ably of individuals, is also far greater in the animal than in the 
vegetable kingdom. About 70,000 species of plants may be seen 
in Paris in a single collection. Balbi. 25 years ago, estimated ^he 
whole number of known species at 80,000 ; and it has been sup- 
posed that there are about 250,000 species in all, on the globe. 
On the other hand, there are at least 100,000 species of animalcules 
alone. Dick estimated the whole number of species of animals at 
300,000, and the number of individuals at 24 billions ; while the 
parts and adaptations of these exceed 60,000 billions." 

"In regard to rapidity of increase, the highest plants vastly 
excel the highest animals. An elm of average size sometimes 
produces not less than 158 million seeds. But the lowest animals 
and plants manifest the greatest power of multiplication. The 
hovista gigantea, a species of fungus, has been known to increase 
its size more than a million times during a single night ; and 
Ehrenberg speaks of an animalcule which propagates so rapidly 
that its descendants would, in four days, amount to no less than 
70 billions." 

Says Prescott, in liis History of the Conquest of 
Mexico, 

" When the Europeans first touched the shores of America, it 
was as if they had alighted on another planet, — everything tiiere 
was so different from what they had before seen. They were intro- 
duced to new varieties of plants, and to unknown races of animals ; 
while man, the lord of all, was equally strange, in complexion, 
language, and institutions. It was what they emphatically sty led 
it, a New World. Taught by their faith to derive all created 
beings from one source, they felt a natural perplexity as to the 
manner in which these distant and insulated regions could have 
obtained their inhabitants. The same curiosity was felt by their 
countrymen at home ; and the European scholars bewildered their 
brains with speculations on the best way of solving this interest- 
ing problem." 

All this is in keeping with the old English proverb, 
" Plant the crab tree where you will, it will never bear pippins." 

Says the Roman poet Horace, 

" 'Tis of the brave and good alone 
That good and brave men are seed ; 
The virtues, which their sires have shown, 
Are found in steer and steed ; 
Nor do the eagles fierce the gentle ring-dove breed." 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 89 

True is it also that, 

'* Pard genders pard ; from tigers, tigers spring ; 
No dove is hatched beneath the vulture's wing." 

Asks and affirms the old Hebrew poet Jeremiah, 

" Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots 1 
Then may ye also do good, that are accustomed to do evil." 

It is generally conceded, and by few denied, that 
the negroes are men; and to the very proper belief 
and assertion that they are men, we may cite, from 
the works of wise old Shakespeare, this just and 
ingenious admission, 

" Aye, in the catalogue they go for men ; 

As hounds, and greyhounds, mongrels, spaniels, curs, 
Shoughs, water-rugs, and demi-wolves, are cleped 
All by the name of dogs : the valued file 
Distinguishes the swift, the slow, the subtle, 
The house-keeper, the hunter, every one 
According to the gift which bounteous nature 
Hath in him clos'd ; whereby he does receive 
Particular addition, from the bill 
That writes them all alike : and so of men." 

Yes, the negro is a man ; of that there can be no room 
for rational doubt ; but, then, he is not a white man ; he 
is not a wise man ; it is only in the way of a very rare 
exception to a general rule, that he is a good man ; and 
although we have traces of his existence on the earth 
for at least four thousand years, yet his career, from 
first to last has been uniformly slow and slavish. 'No 
country nor trait nor epoch of his, has ever yet borne 
the marks of industry, of enterprise, or of progress. 
His ideas are not elevated ; his tastes are not refined ; 
his actions are not noble. Nature has given him little 
or nothing in common with his white superior ; and 
even the nearness of his personality to the whites, 
brought about as it has been entirely through our own 
cupidity, is, I contend, to all of us, a serious injury 



90 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

and disgrace. This is so because we cannot prudently 
nor harmonionsly assimilate to him, nor he to us; 
nature forbids it ; it would be an inexpiable crime ; 
and we ought, therefore, to be separated from the 
multifarious temptations, dangers and disadvantages 
of juxtaposition. 

The negro belongs to a separate creation ; and he is 
at once, and in a thousand ways, unlike us forever. 
Kever yet has he given evidence of a disposition on his 
own part to receive civilization as a condition of life 
preferable to barbarism ; but he has invariably rejected 
the overtures and labors of self-sacrificing missionaries 
and others who have, in tens of thousands of cases, 
gone to him under the purest promptings of peace and 
friendship. For eighteen hundred years, gentleness 
and Christianity have been knocking in vain at the 
doors of Africa ; and there in vain will they continue 
to knock, until Africa, like America, comes to be in- 
habited by an unautochthonal race, — a race of more 
liberal and intellectual endowments, — whose instincts 
will incline them to virtue and kindness, rather than 
to vice and cruelty. 

For many hundreds of years past, there have been 
well-conducted ecclesiastical schools and colleges in 
both Eome and Naples, where negroes, for the most 
part purchased from their parents or others, in Africa, 
and brought thence, have been carefully instructed in 
the leading principles of Christianity, and then re- 
turned to their native country, there to teach and to 
preach. But the labors of all the Eoman and JS'ea- 
politan white zealots, on the one hand, and of all 
their black acolytes and neophytes, on the other, have 
been, and ever will be, absolutely unavailing. What 
is the testimony of our best authorities on this subject ? 

The Kev. Dr. Krapf, in his work entitled " Mission- 
ary Labors in East Africa," says : 

" The state of the East-African heathen, their indifference to- 
ward all that is spiritual, or to any progress in mere human affairs 



POLITICAL WARFAKP: AGAIXSTk NATUEE. 91 



(tliev are, as Rebmann riglitly says, ' profitable in nothin,^, either 
to God or to the v/orld') may easily beget in the heart of a mis- 
sionary a mood of disappointment, in which he would say, witli 
Isaiah, ' I have labored in vain ; I have spent my strength for 
nought, and in vain.' " 

Sir Samuel AYhite Baker, in his work entitled tlie 
" Great Basin of the JM ile," says : 

" The Austrian mission- station of St. Croix consists of about 
twenty grass huts on a patch of dry ground close to the river. 
The church is a small hut, but neatly arranged. Herr Morlang, 
chief of the establishment, acknowledged, with great feeling, that 
the mission was absolutely useless among such savages ; that he 
had worked with much zeal for many years, but that the natives 
"were utterly impracticable. They were far below the brutes, as 
the latter show signs of aflfection to those who are kind to them ; 
while the natives, on the contrary, are utterly obtuse to all feel- 
ings of gratitude. He described the people as lying and deceitful 
to a superlative degree ; the more they receive the more they de- 
sire, but in return they will do nothing. Twenty or thirty of 
these disgusting, ash-smeared, stark-naked brutes, armed with 
clubs of hard wood brought to a point, were lying idly about the 
station. . . . Near by are the graves of several members of 
the mission, who have left their bones in this horrid land, while 
not one convert has been made from the mission of St. Croix." 

The Hon. Richard F. Burton, fellow of the Royal 
Geographical Society of London, in his work entitled 
*' Wanderings in West Africa," says : 

" All missionaries praise the African for his strict observance of 
the Sabbath. He would have three hundred and sixty-five Sab- 
baths in the year, if possible, and he would as scrupulously ob- 
eerve them all." 

Commander Andrew H. Foote, of the United States 
]N'avy, in his work entitled " Africa and the American 
Flag," says : 

" The fact, in the case of the Africans, seems to be, that good in 
will, or good in action, are ideas foreign to their minds. Selfish- 
ness cannot be more intense, nor more exclusive of all kindness 
and generosity or charitable afifection, than it is generally found 
among these barbarians. The inconceivableness of such motives 
to action has often been found a strong obstacle to the influence 
of the christian missionary. They can worship nothing good, be- 
cause they have no exi^ectation of good from anything powerful." 



92 POLITICAL^WARFAEE AGAINST NATURE. 

Paul B. Dii Chaillu, the intrepid and accomplished 
Atrican explorer, in his very interesting work entitled 
'' Ashango-Land," says : 

" In the negroes' own country the efforts of the missionaries for 
hundreds of years have had no effect ; the missionary goes away 
and the people relapse into barbarism. Though a people may be 
taught the arts and sciences known by more gifted nations, unless 
they have the power of progression in themselves, they must in- 
evitably relapse in the course of time into their former state." 

Mrs. Anna M. Scott, in her account of the Protest- 
ant Episcopal Mission at Cape Palmas, says : 

" When the missionary asked an aged woman, to whom he had 
often spoken of the glorious gospel, why she did not regularly at- 
tend the chapel, she replied, " Me go to church, and you no pay 
mel" 

The Hev. T. J. Bowen, in his work entitled " Ad- 
ventures and Missionary Labors in the Interior of 
Africa," says : 

" The town swarmed with thieves and drunkards, whose only 
object in life vv^as sensual gratification. Nowhere else had I met 
with so many impudent and shameless beggars. When a mis- 
sionary attempted to preach to a crowd in the streets or market, 
it was* very common for some of them to reply by laying their 
hands on their stomachs, and saying, ' White man, I am hungry.' " 

In a late issue of the London Dispatch^ it is stated 
that, 

" The most important and interesting portion of the last num- 
ber of the ' Journal of the Anthropological Society of London' is 
the discussion before the Anthropological Society on the efforts of 
missionaries among savages, — a discussion inaugurated by Mr. 
Winwood Eeade, author of ' Savage Africa,' who stated, as the 
result of his observation in Equatorial Africa, that missionary 
efforts were total failures, even when directed by men eminently 
qualified for the task. So far from ' professing Christians' among 
negroes being better than the heathen, they were, if possible, 
worse. ' In plain words,' said Mr. Reade, ' I found that every 
Christian negress was a prostitute, and that every Christian negro 
was a thief.' Mr. Walker, of fourteen years' Gaboon experience, 
confirmed this testimony. Captain Burton, in a very forcible 



POLITICAL WAEFAKE AGALS'ST NATUKE. 93 

speecli, followed suit, giving the result of his observations, not 
merely in Africa, but in Western India, the prairie tribes of 
America, and tropical Africa generally ; missionary efforts, he said^ 
being failures all. The following is characteristic : — 

' A VERY DEAR PERSON TO US.'— With the last African or 
Mombas mission I am personally acquainted. Years ago this ill- 
fated establishment had spent a sum of £12,000, and what were the 
results ? In 1857, when calling at the missionary station of Rab- 
bai Mpia, near Mombas, I was informed that a wild looking negro, 
whose peculiar looks caused me to get my bowie-knife handy, was 
' a very dear person to us ; he is our first and only convert.' '' Yes/ 
added the husband, with an amount of simplicity which might 
provoke a smile but for the melancholy thought that it breeds, 
' and he was prepared for Christianity by an attack of insanity, 
caused by the death of all his relations, and lasting five years." 

Brodie Cruicksliank, in his work entitled " Eighteen 
Years on the African Gold Coast," says : 

" A clergyman of the Church of England, the Rev. Thomas 
Thompson, proceeded to the Gold Coast in 1751, with the view of 
attempting the introduction of the Christian religion. He re- 
mained chaplain at the Castle for four years, and brought home a 
few natives for education, one of whom, "Philip Quacoe, was edu- 
cated at Oxford, and was afterward chaplain at Cape Coast for the 
long space of fifty years. No result followed his labors. It is even 
said that, at the approach of death, he had recourse to fetich prac- 
tices." 

Let us be brave enough to seek and recognize the 
truth wherever it may be found ; let us also, at all 
times, be wise enough to be governed by it. ■ The os- 
trich is a foolish bird when it thinks to escape the 
close-pursuing fowler by merely thrusting its head 
under the sand, and there stopping stock-still. Shall 
we not be equally foolish, and far less excusable for 
our folly, if we delude ourselves with the notion that 
the only difference between men is a difference of 
color ? And may not this very difference itself, — a self- 
evident difference, — be accepted as prima facie evi- 
dence of the fact that there are, or may be, other 
differences ? 

" Human beings," says John Stuart Mill, in his ex- 
cellent work on Liberty, " human beings are not like 



94: POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

«lieep ; and even slieep are not iindistinguisliably 
alike. A man cannot get a coat or a pair of boots to 
Ht him, unless tliey are either made to his measure, or 
he has a whole warehonseful to choose from ; and is it 
easier to fit him with a life than with a coat, or are 
human beings more like one another in their whole 
physical and spiritual conformation than in the shape 
of their feet ? If it were only that people have diver- 
sities of taste, that is reason enough for not attempting 
to shape them all after one model." 

The pro-slavery spirit of intolerance which prohib- 
ited the discussion of the slavery question at the South, 
only a few years since, and which has been followed 
by corrective penalties of great burden, will, I trust, 
never find a parallel at the E"orth, whether on the 
negro question, or on any other question. And yet I 
confess to a feeling of some apprehension in this re- 
gard. It may not be possible to foretell exactly how 
or when the penalties for wrong thoughts and wrong 
actions will manifest themselves, but, as the unerring 
vindicators and avengers of the everlasting moralities 
of the universe, they are just as certain to come, if in- 
curred, as live coals are certain to burn the flesh, if 
they be taken into the hand. The only way to avoid 
penalties is not to incur them ; and we may be safe 
and happy only so long as we are affectionately and 
intelligently true to nature. 

Twenty-t^^Aj years ago, that is to say, in 1849, the good 
;and learned Horace Mann, who was then the imme- 
diate successor in Congress of John Quincy Adams, 
stoutly and eloquently protested against the interdic- 
tions and restraints with which the furtherers and de- 
fenders of negro slavery in the United States wished to 
wall in themselves from the patriotic gaze and honest 
speech of one-half (and that the wiser and better half, 
because the whiter half,) of the American people. 
Said he. 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 95 

" He who shuts out truth, by the same act opens the door to all 
the error that supplies its place, Ignorafice breeds monsters to fill 
up all the vacuities of the soul that are unoccupied by the verities 
of knowledge." 

Much in the same vein, the philosophic John Stnart 
Mill, in his able and admirable work on Liberty, says : 

" The peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, 
that it is robbing the human race ; posterity as well as the exist- 
ing generation ; those who dissent from the opinion, still more 
than those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived 
of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth ; if wrong, they 
lose what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and 
livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error." 

Mr. Mill says further, 

" The greatest orator, save one, of antiquity, has left it on 
record that he always studied his adversary's case with as great, 
if not with still greater, intensity than even his own. What Cicero 
practiced as the means of forensic success, requires to be imitated 
by all who study any subject in order to arrive at the truth. He 
who knows only his own side of the case, knows little of that. 
His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute 
them. But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the 
opposite side ; if he does not so much as know what they are, he 
has no ground for preferring either opinion." 

My readers will, I trust, pardon me if I appear to 
be somewhat impatient, as well as persistent, in my 
efforts to win their attention to a consideration of the 
many differences, physical, mental and moral, which 
do really exist between the several races of mankind. 
I frankly confess to a feeling of impatience and anx- 
iety, because it seems to me that there is now exhib- 
ited at the Korth, on this particular subject, an apathy^ 
or a madness, which, if not soon arrested, will eventu- 
ally result in worse disasters to our country, than 
were recently averted by the overthrow of the Slave- 
holders' Rebellion. And it is against the stupendous 
evils thus threatened, that I would have every right- 
minded man, every true-hearted American, place him- 
self in unyielding opposition. 



9G POLITICAL WAEFARE AGAINST NATUEE. 

Let us remember JEsop's Fable of the Blackamoor, 

" A certain man having boiiglit a Blackamoor, was so simple as 
to think, that the color of his skin was only dirt and filth which 
he had contracted for want of due care, under his former master. 
This fault he imagined might easily be removed. So he ordered 
the poor black to be put into a tub, and was at considerable charge 
in providing ashes, soap, and scrubbing brushes, for the operation. 
To work tliey went, rubbing and scouring his skin all over, but 
to no manner of purpose ; for when they had repeated their wash- 
ings several times, and were grown quite weary, all they got by it 
was, that the wretched Blackamoor caught cold and died." 

The greatest of our American forefathers, — those 
who were foremost in the formation of our Govern- 
ment, Washino'ton, Adams, Jefferson and others, — 
were -entirely right in their views of both slavery and 
the negro ; they hated the one, and cherished no 
undue love for the other. Their views on the slavery 
question, as distinct from the negro question, were 
wisely accepted by the North, and foolishly rejected 
by the South. Of late years, on the negro question, 
the theory of the I^orth has been one thing, and the 
theory of the South another ; but, in effect, and very 
inconsistently, the practice of both has been just the 
reverse of the views which they have respectively vin- 
dicated. While the theory of the North (an absurd 
theory, a mere theory in the sleeve) has been that the 
negro is as good as a white man, yet practically the 
people of the North have generally exercised so much 
prudence and decency, that they have had little or 
nothing to do with the negro. Thus has the North 
been theoretically wrong, but practically right. 

On the other hand, since the days of George Wash- 
ington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Patrick 
Henry, William Pinkney, John Kandolph, and others 
of the ablest and best sons of the South, who were all 
stanch and sterling abolitionists, it has been rightly 
held in theory, by a large majority of our Southern 
politicians (who are, however, totally unworthy to be 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATTRE. 97 

designated as statesmen,) that white men are better 
than negroes ; yet their black practice has always 
been just the opposite of their white theory ; for, to 
the expulsion, in effect, of hundreds of thousands of 
their own native white people, and to the almost in- 
discriminate exclusion of white emigrants from the 
North and from Europe, they have filled and burdened 
the South with millions of negroes and mulattoes ; — 
and there they are to-day, a mass of most unwieldly 
and unsightly human rubbish. In this way has the 
South been theoretically right, but practically wrong. 
And how much worse has been the wrong in this case 
than in the other, may be measured by an estimate of 
the very great differences which may generally be 
found to exist between actual bad practice and mere 
bad preaching. 

It seems to me that the E'orth, just now, is laboring 
under an almost fatal misapprehension of a certain 
sweeping hyperbole found in Jefferson's immortal 
draft of the Declaration of Independence. In that 
imperishable instrument, the foundation of our 
nationality, the key to the Magna Charter of our 
liberties, it is assumed, — falsely and preposterously as- 
sumed, — " that all men are created equal." Now, it 
is absolutely certain and demonstrable that Jefferson 
himself, being a man of good sense, did not believe 
that all men are created equal ; and this, in the pres- 
ent and prospective condition of things, is a vitally 
important fact, of which I shall now have the pleasure 
to present positive proof. 

On the 14th of April, 1866, the New York Tribune 
(an able and excellent newspaper in most respects,) in 
advocating some of its own incorrect and unsound 
views of national politics, said : 

" Mr. Jefferson is, and ought to be, held in sincere reverence by- 
all Radicals because of his agency in basing the Declaration of In- 
dependence on the broad, comprehensive, eternal principle of 



98 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

Equal Human Eights. As to the fundamental base of our 
political system, Mr. Jefferson is and ought to be the highest 
authority." 

Now, SO far as it is here intimated that the illustriou& 
author of the Dedaration of Independence ever really 
believed or taught that all men are created equal, the 
intimation is a sheer misrepresentation of Mr. Jeffer- 
son's honest and oft-repeated sentiments. For the 
long and happy period of fifty years that he lived 
immediately succeeding our separation from the 
mother country, Mr. Jeiferson wrote much and wrote 
well, on both slavery and negroes ; but we have no 
account of anything tliat he may have written on 
either of these subjects prior to the time when he 
wrote the Declaration of Independence ; and it is certain 
that he never said anythmg about slavery or negroes 
on the stump nor on the platform ; for it is a very 
notable fact that he never made a speech in all his 
life ; and it is said that he could not make a speech ^ 
because, whenever he got on his feet before an audi- 
ence, he lost all requisite power of ideas and utterance. 
In off-hand speaking, therefore, it would appear that 
Jefferson was not a grain better than Grant ; yet Jef- 
ferson had an intellect of the first order ; he was pre- 
eminently a man of genius ; he was a statesman and 
philosopher ; he was a consummate master of the pen ; 
and his writings are the very ablest in the archives of 
the Republic. 

No man in America has written more learnedly, 
more truthfully, more boldly, or more convincingly, 
than Thomas Jefferson ; and few have displayed 
greater versatility, or written on a greater variety of 
subjects. His works, in nine large volumes, consti- 
tute a sort of encyclopedia, especially on the graver 
and more solid matters which concern the world ; and 
that part of his writings which comprises his corres- 
pondence with John Adams, and other eminent men 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 99 

of his time, is, as epistolary literature, perspicuous 
and profound to a degree difficult of comparison. 
Political systems ; the true principles of republican-^ 
ism ; the science of government ; the solemn duty of 
just and prudent legislation ; statesmanship and diplo- 
macy in their larger and better acceptations ; — these, 
and other subjects akin to them, were the themes 
upon which he most delighted to dwell ; and the wis- 
dom and ability with wliich he discussed them, will 
always be treasured as invaluable legacies to the whole 
human race. 

Jefierson v/as just thirty-three years of age when 
he wrote the Declaration of Independence. That was 
in 1776. He died on the 4th of July, 1826,— exactly 
half a century after the Declaration of Independence, 
as revised by Franklin and Adams, had been approved 
and proclaimed. Let these memorable dates, and the 
great facts connected with them, be well remembered ; 
— and now let us see what Jefferson said, specifically 
and pointedly, in reference to the negro, at various 
times, between 1776 and 1826. Doing this in good 
iaith, doing it without quibble or subterfuge, ^ we 
shall soon come to know exactly whether the sagacious 
author of the Declaration of Independence believed 
that all men are created equal, or whether he, like 
every other clear-sighted and philosophic observer, was 
firmly convinced that no two men, no two creatures 
of whatever name or nature, no two things of any 
sort, whether animate or inanimate, were ever created 
equal. In his " Notes on Yirginia," written in 1782, 
SIX YEARS after the date of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, Jefierson says : 

" Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites ; ten thousand 
recollections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained ; 
new provocations ; the real distinctions which nature has made ; 
and many other circumstances, will divide us into parties, and pro- 
duce convulsions, which will probably never end but in the exter- 
mination of the one or the other race. To these objections, which 



100 POLITICAL WAEFARE AGAINST NATUEE. 



are political, may be added others, which are physical and moral. 
The first difference which strikes us is that of color. Whether 
the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between 
the skin and the scarf-skin, or in the scarf-skin itself; whether it 
proceeds from the color of the blood, the color of the bile, or from 
that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature, and 
is as real as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is 
this difference of no importance ? Is it not the foundation of a 
greater or less share of beauty in the two races ? Are not the fine 
mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by 
greater or less suffusions of color in the one, preferable to that 
eternal monotony, which reigns in the countenances, that immov- 
able veil of black which covers the emotions of the other race ? 
. . . . The circumstance of superior beauty is thought worthy 
of attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs, and other 
domestic animals ; why not in that of man ? Besides those of 
color, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions prov- 
ing a difference of race. They have less hair on the face and 
body. They secrete less by the kidneys, and more by the glands 
of the skin, which gives "them a very strong and disagreeable 
odor. This greater degree of transpiration renders them more 
tolerant of heat, and less so of cold than the whites, . , , They 
are more ardent after their female ; but love seems with them to 
be more an eager desire, than a tender, delicate mixture of senti- 
ment and sensation. Their griefs are transient. Those number- 
less afflictions, which render it doubtful whether Heaven has given 
life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt, and sooner forgotten, 
with them. In general, their existence appears to participate 
more of sensation than reflection. To this must be ascribed their 
disposition to sleep when abstracted from their diversions and un- 
employed in labor." 

Following up the patriotic appeals wliicli he had 
already frequently addressed to his countrymen, im- 
ploring them to lose no time in colonizing the negroes 
in the West Indies, in Africa or elsewhere, Jefferson, 
in a letter which he wrote to Gov. Monroe, of Virginia, 
in 1801, — TWENTY-FIVE ycars after the date of the 
Declaration of Independence, said : 

" The West Indies offer a more probable and practical retreat 
for the negroes. Inhabited already by a people of their own race 
and color ; climates congenial with their natural constitution ; in 
Bulated from the other descriptions of men ; nature seems to have 
formed these islands to become the receptacle of the blacks trans- 
planted into this hemisphere. Whether we could obtain from the 



POLITICAL WAEFAKE AGAINST NATURE. 101 

European sovereigns of those islands leave to send tliither tlie per- 
sons under consideration, I cannot say ; but I think it more prob- 
able than the former propositions, because of their being already 
inhabited, more or less by the same race, . . . Africa would 
offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable 
should fail." 

On the 21st of January, 1811, — thlrty-five years 
after the date of the Declaration of Independence, 
JeiFerson, replying to a letter from John Lynch, 
wrote thus : 

" You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Mrs. Mifflin, 
to take measures for procuring, on the coast of Africa, an establish- 
ment to which the people of color of these States might, from time 
to time, be colonized, under the auspices of different governments. 
Having long ago made up my mind on this subject, I have no hesi- 
tation in saying that I always thought it the most desirable meas- 
ure which could be adopted for gradually drawing off this part of 
our population most advantageously for themselves as well as for 
us. Going from a country possessing all the useful arts, they 
might be the means of transplanting them among the inhabitants 
of Africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their origin 
the seeds of civilization, which might render their sojournment 
and sufferings here a blessing in the end to that country." 

Why did the great and good Jefferson cling so 
tenaciously to the idea of colonizing all of our Amer- 
ican negroes in some country beyond the boundaries 
of the United States? Because, in his own words, 
(if the negroes are not colonized) "the real distinc- 
tions w^hich nature has made, and many other cir- 
cumstances, will divide us into parties, and produce 
coiliulsions which will j)i^ohably never end but in 
the extermination of the one or the other^ race;" 
and because, further, that " to these objections, 
which are political, may be added others, which are 
phvsical and moral." 

In a letter addressed to Dr. Thomas Humphreys, 
on the 8th of February, 1817, — forty-one years 
after the date of the Declaration of Independence, 
Jefferson says : 



102 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

" I concur entirely in yonr leading principles of gradual emanci- 
pation, of establishment on tlie coast of Africa, and the patronage 
of our nation until the emigrants shall be able to protect them- 
' selves. The subordinate details might be easily arranged. But 
the bare proposition of purchase by the United States generally 
would excite infinite indignation in all the States north of Mary- 
land. The sacrifice must fall on the States alone which hold 
them ; and the difficult question will be how to lessen this so as to 
reconcile our fellow citizens to it. Personally I am ready and de- 
sirous to make any sacrifice which shall ensure their gradual but 
complete retirement from the State, and effectually, at the same 
time, establish them elsewhere in freedom and safety. But I have 
not perceived the growth of this disposition in the rising genera- 
tion, of which I once had sanguine hopes. No symptoms inform 
me that it will take place in my day. I leave it, therefore, to time, 
and not at all without hope that the day will come, equally desir- 
able and welcome to us as to them." 

In his Autobiography, written in 1821, — forty- 
five years after the date of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, Jefferson, with still greater emphasis and 
distinctness, says : 

" The bill on the subject of slaves was a mere digest of the ex- 
isting laws respecting them, without any intimation of a plan 
for a future and general emancipation. It was thought better that 
this should be kept back, and attempted only by way of amend- 
ment, whenever the bill should be brought on. The principles of 
the amendment, however, were agreed on ; that is to say, the 
freedom of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper 
age. But it was found that the public mind would not yet bear 
the proposition ; nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet the day is 
not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. 
Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that 
these people are to be free ; nor is it less certain that the two 
races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, 
habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines of distinction b^veen 
them. It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipa- 
tion and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that 
the evil wiU wear off insensibly, and their place be, pari imssu, 
filled up by free white laborers." 

1^0 man ever gave to his countrymen more wise 
or more timely advice than was thus given by 
Thomas Jeiferson to the people of the United States 
whom, again and again, he urged, by every considera. 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 103 

tion of truth, virtue, honor and safety, to reinov^e from 
among themselves, not for a little while only, but for 
all time, every individual of the ever inferior and ill- 
boding negro race. Colonization in the mass, depor- 
tation in bulk, a total and eternal separation from the 
whites of the naturally dissimilar and mischief-breed- 
ing blacks, — a conviction ot the pressing necessity of 
doing something of this sort, was what he sedulously 
endeavored to render popular ; and if we had only- 
been sufficiently far-seeing and prudent to adopt and 
carry out his views in this regard, we should have had 
no rebellion, no destruction of the lives and fortunes 
of hundreds of thousands of good white men, no inter- 
ruption of the friendly relations of thirty-live millions 
of Anglo-Americans, — all on account of four millions 
of worse than worthless negroes. 

Said Jefferson, speaking with full prophetic vision, 
'' Nothing is more certainly written in the book of 
fate, than that tliese people are to be free ;" " nor," 
continues he in the same sentence, after the use of a 
semicolon, " nor is it less certain that the two races, 
equally free, cannot live in the same government." 
"jN'ature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines of 
distinction between them," and the clashings of these 
" will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions, 
which will probably never end but in the extermina- 
tion of the one or the other race." Jefferson was pre- 
emii^ntly right. Let us hear him ; let us heed him. 

In reply to a letter from Jared Sparks, Mr. Jeffer- 
son, on the 4th of February, 1824, — forty-eight years 
subsequent to the date of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, says : 

" In the disposition of this unfortunate people, there are two 
rational objects to be distinctly kept in view. First : the estab- 
lishment of a colony on the coast of Africa, which may introduce 
among the aborigines the arts of cultivated life, and the blessings 
of civilization and science. By doing this, we may make to them 
Bome restitution for the long course of injuries we have been 



lOi POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

committing on their population. * * * The second object, and 
the most interesting to us, as coming home to our physical and 
moral characters, to our happiness and safety, is to provide an 
asylum to which we can, by degrees, send the whole of that popu- 
lation from among us, and establish them, under our patronage 
and protection, as a separate, free and independent people, in some 
country and climate friendly to human life and happiness. * * * 
I do not go into all the details of the burdens and benefits of this 
operation. And who could estimate its blessed effects ? I leave 
this to those who will live to see their accomplishment, and to en- 
ioy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But I leave it with this ad- 
monition, to rise and be doing." 

Here, in the 4Stli year after he wrote the Declara- 
tion of Independence, (being only the second year 
prior to his decease,) Mr. Jefferson clearly presents to 
us "two rational objects, the second and most inter- 
esting of which, as coming home to our physical and 
moral characters, to our happiness and safety, is to 
provide an asylum to which we can, by degrees, send 
the whole of the negro population from among us, and 
establish them under our patronage and protection, as 
a separate, free and independent people." 

These extracts from*the writings of Jefferson might 
be followed by numerous others of a like nature ; but, 
to the intelligent and candid inquirer after truth, it 
would be superlluous to introduce them. Here we 
have before us a faithtul epitome of Mr. Jefferson's 
record, on both the slavery question and the negro 
question, for the long period of half a century after he 
wrote the Declaration of Independence ; but nowhere, 
at no time, between 1776 and the date of his Seath, 
in 1826, do we find him giving the least currency or 
countenance to the absurd theory " that all men are 
created equal;" and, to every right-minded man, it 
must be fully apparent that, when Jefterson used this 
" glittering generality" in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, it had no reference whatever to the negroes, 
who, except as property, were then of so very little 
significance, especially in the estimation of most of the 



POLITICAL WAEFAEE AGAINST NATURE. 105 

deliberative assemblies of that time, that they were, 
by a sort of universal consent, oftener regarded as 
mere chattels personal, than as men at all. Is it too 
much to affirm, therefore, that, in full view of all this 
array of Mr. Jefferson's real opinions touching the ne- 
groes, whoever represents him as having been imbued 
with the belief that all men are created equal, is a po- , 
litical decei ver and impostor ^ 

From Jefferson to Lincoln, including both of these, 
every truly wise and practical American statesman, 
whether of the Xorth or of the South, has readily seen 
and acknowledged the truth of the existence of a diver- 
sity of human races, and has scorned accordingly to 
employ any measures of force to degrade the white 
man down to the low level of the negro. On this 
transcendently interesting and important subject, I 
might detain my readers a whole week, if agreeable to 
them to be so detained, with excerpts from the writ- 
ings and speeches of many of the most eminent men 
that our country has produced ; but my time and 
space, for this chapter, are now almost exhausted, and 
it behooves me to hasten on to a conclusion. 

We all recollect President Lincoln's eloquent and 
admirable reply to a deputation of negroes, who 
waited on him, in June, 1862. For the occasion, it 
was one of the truest and best things that could have 
been conceived or couched in the English language. 
Said he, speaking to them face to face, yet in a friendly 
waj : 

" Why should not the people of your race be colonized ? Why 
should i^hey not leave this country ? This is, perhaps, the first 
question for consideration. You and we are a different race. We 
have between us a broader difference than exists between almost 
any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong, I need not 
discuss ; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us 
both, as I think your race suffers greatly, many of them by living 
with us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we 
suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it shows a reason why we 
should be separated. You, here, are freemen, I suppose. Perhaps 



106 POLITICAL TVAEFARE AGAINST NATrRE. 



you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are sufFer- 
iucr, in my opinion, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people. 
But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed 
from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are 
still cut off from many of the advantages which are enjoyed by 
tiie other race. The aspiration of man is to enjoy equality with 
the best when free ; but on this broad continent not a single man 
of your race is made the equal of ours. Go where you are treated 
the best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose to dis- 
cuss this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. 
I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all think 
and feel alike. We look to our conditions owing to the existence 
of the races on this continent. I need not recount to you the 
effects upon white men growing out of the institution of slavery. 
I believe in its general evil effects upon the white race. See our 
present condition. The country is engaged in war. Our white 
men are cutting each other's throats, none knowing how far their 
frenzy may extend ; and then consider what we know to be the 
truth. But for your race among us, there could not be a war, 
although many men engaged on either side do not care for you 
one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat, without the insti- 
tution of slavery, and the colored race as a i^asis, the war could 
not have had an existence. It is better for us both, therefore, to 
be separated. I know that there are free men among you who, 
even if they could better their condition, are not as much inclined 
to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, could obtain 
their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal 
difficulties in the way of colonization is, that the free colored man 
cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may 
believe you can live in Washington, or elsewhere in the United 
States, the remainder of your lives, perhaps more comfortably 
than you could in any foreign country. Hence you may come to 
the conclusion that you Iiave nothing to do with the idea of going 
to a foreign country. This (I speak in no unkind sense) is an 
extremely selfish view of the case. But you ought to do some- 
thing to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. 
For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your 
present comfort, for the purpose of being as grand in that respect 
as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, 
that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those 
who have been subject to the hard usages of the world. It is 
difficult to make a man miserable while he feels that he is worthy 
of himself, and claims kindred with the great God who made him I 
In the American revolutionary war, sacrifices were made by men 
engaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. General 
Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if 
he had remained a British subject ; yet he was a happy man, 
because he was engaged in benefiting his race, and in doing some- 
thing for the children of his neighbors, having none of his 
own." 



POLITICAL WARFAKE AGAINST NATUEE. 107 

Two years before he was elected to the Presidency, 
Mr. Lincohi, in the course of one of his debates with 
Senator Doughxs, in Illinois, (in 1858,) said : 

" I have said that I do not understand the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence to mean that all men are created equal in all respects. 
Certainly the negro is not our equal in color,— perhaps not in 
many other respects. ... I did not at any time say I was in 
favor of neg-ro suffrage. Twice,— once substantially, 'and once 
expressly,— I declared against it. ... I am not in favor of 
negro citizenship." 

Again, in one of his memorable debates witli Mr. 
Douglas, in 1858, Mr. Lincoln said : 

_ " I am not, and never have been, in favor of making voters or 
jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to 
mtermarry with whites ; and I will say further, in addition to this, 
that there is a physical difference between the black and white 
races, which I believe will forever forbid the two races living to- 
gether on terms of social and political equality." 

Here, indeed, was a most apt and worthy pnpil of 
the great teacher, Thomas Jefferson. In these brief 
but forcible utterances of Lincoln, whom, henceforth, 
we should also accept as one of our ablest and soundest 
instructors upon this subject, we have, in a nutshell, a 
w^hole continent of truth. Facts of such immense 
weight and magnitude were never before compressed 
into so small a compass. Let every white man and 
woman in America at once learn by heart these six 
lines of the illustrious and lamented Lincoln ; and let 
them not fail to practice, with punctilious observance, 
so far as they have the power to do so, the peculiarly 
proper and patriotic precepts wdiich they inculcate. 
And in order that the lesson may be the more easily 
committed to memory, I here repeat it,— as first given 
by its far-famed author, Abraham Lincoln, himself, 
who said : 

" I am not, and never have been, in favor of making voters or 
jurors of negroes^ nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to 
intermarry with whites ; and I will say further, in addition to this, 
that there is a physical difference between the black and white 



JOS POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 



races, wliicli I believe will forever forbid tbe two races living to- 
gether on terms of social and political equality." 

Again, at Columbus, Ohio, in September, 1859, 
Mr. Lincoln said : 

" I will, to the very last, stand by the law of tbe State wbich. 
forbids the marrying of white people with negroes." 

Says that noble old l^ew Englander, John Adams, 
in the course of a letter which he addressed to Thomas 
Jefferson, on the 15th of JN'ovember, 1815 : 

" The proverbs of Theognis, like those of Solomon, are observ- 
ations on human nature, ordinary life, and civil society, with 
moral reflections on the facts. I quote him as a witness of the 
fact that there is as much dilference in the races of men as in the 
breeds of sheep, and as a sharp reprover and censurer of the sor- 
did, mercenary practice of disgracing birth by preferring gold to 
it. Surely no authority can be more expressly in point to prove 
the existence of inequalities, not of rights, but of moral, intellect- 
ual, and physical inequalities in families, descendants, and gen- 
erations." 

Again, in his correspondence with Mr. Jefferson, 
John Adams says : 

" I have never read reasoning more absurd, sophistry more 
gross, in proof of the Athanasian creed, or Transubstantiation, 
than the subtle labors of Helvetius and Rousseau, to demonstrate 
the natural equality of mankind. The golden rule, ' Do as you 
would be done by,' is all the equality that can be supported or de- 
fended by reason, or reconciled to common sense. . . . Ine- 
qualities ot mind and body are so established by God Almighty, 
in his constitution of human nature, that no art or policy can 
ever plane them down to a common level." 

This is a subject on which I deem it particularly 
pertinent to quote the opinions of the more able and 
distinguished men of the North, — more especially the 
opinions of those celebrated New Englanders who 
were of the "Whig or Rational Republican, not of the 
Democratic nor other pro-slavery school of politics. 
From John Adams to Daniel Webster, the transition 
is both lofty and felicitous. Said the great Webster, 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 109 

as yoii will find liim on record in tlie 5th volume of 
his works, page 364 : 

" I would not dwell witli any particular emphasis upon the 
sentiment, wliicli I nevertheless entertain, with respect to the 
great diversity in the races of men. I do not know how far, in 
that respect, I might not encroach on those mysteries of Provi- 
xlence which, while I adore, I may not comprehend. . . . Ii^ 
Imy observations upon -slavery as it existed in this country, and as 
it now exists, I have expressed no opinion of the mode of its 
extinguishment or melioration. I will say, however, though I 
have nothing to propose, because I do not deem myself so com- 
petent as other gentlemen to take any lead on the subject, that if 
any gentleman from the South shall propose a scheme to be 
icarried on by this government upon a large scale, for the trans- 
portation of the colored people to any colony or any place in the 
world, I should be quite disposed to incur almost any degree of 
expense to accomplish that object." 

Again says Mr. Webster, — and this I quote from 
the 2d volume of his works, page 214 ; 

" It has been said that whosoever would see the Eastern world 
Tjefore it turns into a Western world must make his visit soon, 
because steamboats and omnibuses, commerce, and all the arts of 
Europe, are extending themselves from Egypt to Suez, from Suez 
to the Indian Seas, and from the Indian Seas all over the explored 
regions of the still farther East. ... I only can see that on 
this continent all is to be Anglo-American from Plymouth Rock to 
Pacific Sea, from the North Pole to California. That is certain ; 
and in the Eastern world, I only see that you can hardly place a 
finger on the map of the world and be an inch from an English 
settlement. If there be anything in the supremacy of races, the 
experiment now in progress will develop it. If there be any truth 
in the idea that those who issued from the great Caucasian 
fountain, and spread over Europe, are to react on India and on 
Asia, and to act on the whole Western world, it may not be for us, 
3ior our children, nor our grandchildren to see it, but it will be 
for our descendants of some generation to see the extent of that 
progress and dominion of the favored races. For myself, I be- 
lieve there is no limit fit to be assigned to it by the human mind, 
because I find at work everywhere, on both sides of the Atlantic, 
under various forms and degrees of restriction on the one hand, 
and under various degrees of motive and stimulus on the other 
hand, in these branches of a common race, the great principle of 
the freedom of human thought, and the respectability ot individual 
character." 



1 10 POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 

How plainly Horace Mann saw tlie dliterences wliicit 
exist between the several races of mankind, and how 
deeply and wisely he deplored the presence of the 
negroes in this country, is apparent in his masterly 
speech in Congress, on the 23d of Febrnary, 1849, on 
which occasion he said : 

" If the ancestors of tHe present tliree millions of slaves liad 
never been brought here, — if their descendants had never been 
propagated here, for the supposed value of their services, their 
places would have been supplied by white laborers, by men of 
the Caucasian race, — by freemen. Instead of the three millions 
slaves, of all colors, we should doubtless now have at least three 
million white, free-born citizens, adding to the real prosperity of 
the country, and to the power of the republic. If the South had 
not had slaves to do their work for them, they would have become 
ingenious and inventive, like the North, and would have enlisted 
the vast forces of nature in their service, — wind and fire and water 
and steam and lightning, the mighty energies of gravitation and 
the subtle forces of chemistry." 

Theodore Parker seemed to be controlled by con- 
victions equally as just and enlightened as those that 
were so strongly felt, and so fitly expressed, by Horace 
Mann. Africanization and slavery for no part of the 
American continent, but Saxonization and freedom 
for the whole Western World, was one of the grandest 
of the many grand ideas of this late Socrates of " the- 
modern Athens." In his speech at New York, on the 
12th of Ma}^, 1854, Mr. Parker said : 

" When we are free from this plague-spot of slavery, — the curse 
to our industry, our education, our politics, and our religion, — we 
shall increase more rapidly in number, and still more abundantly 
be rich. The South will be as the North, — active, intelligent, — 
Virginia as rich as New York, the Carolinas as active as Massa- 
chusetts. Then by peaceful purchase, the Anglo-Saxon may ac- 
quire the rest of this North American continent. The Spaniards 
Avill make nothing of it. Nay, we may honorably go further south, 
and possess the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of tlie Southern conti- 
nent, extending the area of freedom at every step. We may carry 
thither the Anglo-Saxon vigor and enterprise, the old love of 
liberty, the love also of law ; the best institutions of the present 
age, — ecclesiastical, political, social, domestic. Then what a na- 
tion we shall one day become ! America, the mother of a thousand 



POLITICAL WAKFAKE AGAINST NATUEE. Hi 

Anglo-Saxon States, troiiical and temperate, on both sides of tho 
equator, may behold the Mississippi and the Amazon uniting their 
waters, the drainage of two vast continents, in the Mediterranean 
of the Western World ; may count her children at last by hundreds 
of millions, — and among them all behold no tyrant and no slave !" 

Still more pointed and emphatic in his recognition 
of the immeasurable superiority of the white races, 
Mr. Parker says : 

" The Caucasian differs from all other races ; he is humane, he 
is civilized, and progresses. Ho conquers with his head as well 
as with his hand. It is intellect, after all, that conquers, — not 
the strength of a man's arm. The Caucasian has been often mas- 
ter of the other races, — never their slave. He has carried his re- 
ligion to other races, but iiever taken theirs. In history all re- 
ligions are of Caucasian origin. All the great limited forms of 
monarchies are Caucasian. Republics are Caucasian. All the great 
sciences are of Caucasian origin ; all inventions are Caucasian ; 
literature and romance come of the same stock ; all the great 
poets are of Caucasian origin ; Moses, Luther, Jesus Christ, 
Zoroaster, Buddha, Pythagoras, were Caucasian. No other race 
«an bring up to memory such celebrated names as the Caucasian 
race. * * * To the Caucasian race belong the Arabian, Per- 
sian, Hebrew, Egyptian ; and all the European nations are descen- 
"dants of the Caucasian race." 

Having, in the foregoing pages, reproduced, at con- 
siderable length, the unequivocal opinions which were 
freely entertained and expressed, in reference to the 
negro, and in reference to the races of men generally, 
hy such judicious and renowned statesmen as Jeffer- 
son, Adams, Webster, Lincoln, and others, the ques- 
tion suggests itself, — Is there a single sane person who 
lias attentively read the words of wisdom and warning 
thus quoted, but who is still unsatisfied of their truth ? 
If there be such an individual, I really pity him, and am 
all the more concerned about the welfare of the several 
governments, municipal. State, and national, under 
which it is his right to exercise the privileges of a voter. 
I say this, because it is absolutely certain that the man 
who does not think rightly, thinks wrongly ; and it is 
equally certain that he who does not act rightly, acts 



112 POLITICAL WAEFAEE AGAINST NATURE. 

^v^ongl3^ Every tlionglit revolved, every word spoken, 
every line written, every vote given, and every deed 
done, in sup23ort of the mistaken and miscliievous hy- 
pothesis that there are no natural and insurmountable 
differences between white men and negroes, is a newly 
commissioned agent of discord and degradation among- 
us. 

Clear and convincing as are the testimonies which 
I have already presented upon this subject, I have 
others equally weighty and conclusive, which, but for 
the lack of time and space, might also be fitly adduced 
in this connection. I here have particular reference 
to the writings of such learneti and celebrated nat- 
uralists and anthropologists as Cuvier, Burmeister, 
Agassiz, Yogt, Waitz, Guyot, Morton, Lyell, Smith, 
Hunt, Knox, Crawford, and others, every one of whom 
has earnestly and conscientiously devoted many of the 
best years of his life to the investigation of all the 
physical facts and phenomena in nature, — and more 
especially to the careful study and comparison of all 
known organic bodies. In further proof of the correct- 
ness of my convictions, that the gigantic and effective 
pro-negro influences which, as a specialty of political 
proceedings, are now at work among the dominant 
party of the Korth, to Africanize the South, or to fix 
the ne^ro, the Indian, the Chinaman, or any other 
naturally inferior man, in the South, or elsewhere in 
the United States, in any condition whatever, as a 
prominent and perpetual element of our population, is 
irrational and wrong, impolitic and dissentious, danger- 
ous and degrading, it is my purpose to offer, at sucli 
time as may seem to be appropriate, brief extracts 
from the works of all the erudite naturalists and eth- 
nologists above named. 

Shall man, with all his boasted reason and culture,, 
fail to evince a less positive and practical recognition 
of the obvious differences of nature than is evinced hv 



POLITICAL WARFARE AGAINST NATURE. 113 

the dumb creatures of mere instinct ? It onglit not to- 
be so ; but alas ! it has been so ; it is so ; and this, too, 
to such an extent that the fruitful fault of the failure 
is rapidly expanding into the hideous proportions of 
almost every species of crime. True statesmanship 
will always shape its course in strict harmony with the 
laws of nature ; but it would appear that many of our 
modern politicians, unbalanced and blinded by the 
spirit of fanaticism, are determined to defy nature,, 
and thus bring upon themselves and their constituents, 
or upon those for whom they legislate, an inevitable 
and retributive medley of matchless evils. 

This obstinate refusal to yield to the wholesome ad- 
monitions and refining forces of nature, — this unblush- 
ing denial of respect and obligation to natural laws,, 
— is, in effect, nothing more nor less tlian rebellion 
against Providence. It was rebellion of this sort that 
was engaged in, a few years since, by the pro-slavery 
slaveholde]*s of the South; but their unholy career 
was soon cut short ; and they are now, for the ulti- 
mate good of themselves and their children, as well as. 
for the good of the nation and the world, completely 
humbled in sackcloth and ashes. A similar rebellion, 
— a rebellion against nature and nature's God, — a re- 
bellion that seeks to strike down eight millions of 
Anglo-Americans, including the loyal with the dis- 
loyal, to the mean level of four millions of black bar- 
barians, is now in progress by the pro-negro politicians 
of the North ; and success, for the present, (a sort of 
Bull Kun success,) seems to attend them, but it is not 
within the bounds of either reason or possibility for 
them to triumph in the end ; for the final victory, in 
this contest, as in all others, must, in the very destiny 
of things, eventually be on the side of Truth, Yirtua 
and Justice, — a trio of divine attributes, which have 
always had, and will forever have, high honor and 
regard, and also full development and power, only 
among the white races of mankind. 



CHAPTEE III. 



PALEONTOLOGY. 



To him who in the love of Nature holcl3 
Communion with her visible forms, she speaks 
A various language. * * * All that tread 
The globe are^but^a handful to the tribes 
That slumber in its bosom.— Bryant. 

Including a very small nnmber of well-known 
naturalists and scientists, such as Agassiz, Guyot, 
IBaird, Henry, Marsli, Maury, Draper, Loomis, and a 
few other distinguished students of IS^ature, there are, 
perhaps, less than a score of men, in all the United 
States, who possess the requisite qualifications to pre- 
pare an original, trustworthy and commendable essay 
on Paleontology ; and here, at the very threshold ot 
my subject, I frankly confess myself among that vast 
body of our citizens, numbering forty millions, more 
or less, whose scholarship is deficient in this regard. 
In the main, then, the peculiarly interesting and 
scientific information which I shall have the pleasure 
of ofi^ering for the consideration of my readers, at this 
time, will be such as no small amount of careful in- 
vestigation, at intervals, during a period of several 
years, have enabled me to glean from the writings of 
those assiduous and learned antiquaries, and other in- 
quirers into the past, who stand at the very pinnacle 
of fame in this particular department of natural 
history. 

Early in the Spring of 1862, while on my way 
to take charge of the United States Consulate at 
Euenos Ayres, it became necessary, from stress of 

Hi 



PALEONTOJLOGY. 115 

weather, during the prevalence of a terrific two-days^ 
Pampero, for the ship, on which I had taken passage^ 
to cast anchor, several times, in the upper part of the 
mouth of the Eiver Plate. Although a distance of at 
least sixty miles intervened between the places of our 
first and last anchorage, and although, in availing our- 
selves of the security which the anchor afforded, we 
lowered it at least half a dozen times, yet every time 
it was hoisted, I found that it brought up a consider- 
able quantity of mud that seemed to be filled to reple- 
tion with a slender species of sea-worm, queer and 
unique in both form and movement, such as I had 
never seen before. All these worms, in numbers ab- 
solutely countless, and almost incalculable, had so 
arranged themselves that, while their bodies were 
vertically buried in the mud, which was evidently 
their hiding place and their defence, their heads only 
were in the water, which doubtless held in solution 
the food that sustained them. 

Most of these worms were from two to three inches- 
long, but otherwise their bodies were so small, and so 
close together, that there must have been an average 
of at least fifty in every superficial square inch of mud ; 
and if this estimate is correct, there were T,200 in 
every square foot, and more than two hundred thou- 
sand millions in every square mile ! In case of the 
momentary upheaval by an earthquake of that par- 
ticular part of the bottom of the River Plate, 
or of the sudden withdrawal or departure of the water 
from any other cause, how inexpressibly immense 
would be the loss of the lives of those tiny creatures^ 
(not to speak of the probable loss of the lives of other 
creatures of greater size and worth,) and how very 
mysterious and inscrutable would be the Providence 
of such a deathful visitation ! Yet, to just such visita- 
tions of wide-spread fatality as are here adverted to, 
all organized living beings, from the whale to the 



116 PALEONTOLOGY. 

minnow, from the elephant to the mouse, from the 
man to the animalcule, have always been subject, dur- 
ing the whole period of their existence, even from the 
very first moment of their birth ; and the fossil re- 
mains of the Mastodon, the Mylodon, the Glyptodon, 
the Megatherium, the Dinotherium, the Anoplothe- 
rium, and thousands and tens of thousands of other 
animals, belonging to as many species, which are now 
totally extinct, may be accepted as evidence that, so 
far at least as the fauna of this world are concerned, 
(and as of the fauna, so of the flora,) the inexplicable 
purposes of Nature in creation are finally consum- 
mated only in destruction. 

Cogitations of this kind were not the less interest- 
ing to me because they had been awakened by creat- 
ures so insignificant as the myriads of little worms 
which I have just described ; nor, after exan.ining 
these, was it long until my curiosity, upon this same 
subject of the immensity of life and a corresponding 
immensity of death, was newly excited. 

Some time after my arrival at Buenos Ayres, I 
observed that swarms of unmentionable millions of a. 
ver}^ minute species of summer night-fly, were at- 
tracted by the light of the city lamps, which seemed 
to blind and bewilder them to such an extent that, 
finding their way through the small openings of the 
lamps, they would get into the flame and be entirely 
consumed, or, with their wings singed ofl', would 
crawd through the cracks and crevices of the lamps, 
and fall to the ground in heaps, and there die. In all 
the city, there were about 6,500 lamps, including those 
that burned gas, and those that burned mares' oil, 
'{for that is the sort of oil, cheaper than gas, that was 
burned in nearly two-thirds of them,) and as, under 
a single lamp, in my own yard, I counted, one morn- 
ing, 1,556 flies, which had been scorched to death, it 
is probable that, throughout the city, during the pre- 



PALEONTOLOGY. 117 

vious night, not less than ten millions perished in this 
way. 

These flies do not make their appearance in such 
large numbers every night ; but they do so frequently, 
especially after seasons of dry, warm weather, and 
always for one or two nights just before it rains ; and 
considering also that they exist in apparently un- 
diminished numbers all over the pampas of the Argen- 
tine Republic, it will be readily perceived how suc- 
cessfully their innumerability baffles the powers of 
human computation. Another fact peculiar to these 
insects is that their flight is always from west to east ; 
and those of them that do not meet death in the 
air or on the land, are, as if under the veil of the 
darkness of night, carried out to sea ; and there, 
from sheer exhaustion, hundreds and thousands of 
millions of them And their last resting place, beneath 
the life-consuming billows of the Atlantic. 

Other illustrations of the remorseless certainty and 
facility with which Xature delights to bring death 
upon her own children, or sufters death to be brought 
upon them, are not wanting. Dwelling upon a sub- 
ject measurably related to the one now under con- 
sideration, a San Francisco newspaper contained some 
years ago, an editorial article from which I quote the 
following paragraph : 

" One unaccountable phenomenon of 1864 has been the 
immense multitude of song birds which have been driven 
upon the cultivated lands of California during the month 
of May. In the southern counties, thousands upon thou- 
sands of robins, linnets, thrushes, canaries, orioles, hum- 
ming birds, finches, magpies and sparrows, have swarmed 
round houses and gardens, destroying the fruit and vege- 
tables, and then dropping dead near wells and pools of 
Avater. The mortality among them lias been most extra- 
ordinary, and is supposed to have been caused by their 
being driven from the mountains by tlie April storms of 



118 PALEONTOLOGY. 

' cold, when, not finding food in tlie valleys and lowlands, 
they are killed by the hot wind, hunger and drouth. 
When picked up, sometimes ten and twenty in a lump, 
they are completely starved and fleshless, being often 
chased down by boys and cats, and expiring in weak 
twitters, as if piteously appealing to the sympathies o± 
the little people, who lay them in their graves. " 

It was the investigation of facts connected wath the 
remarkable mutability and decay of corporeal sub- 
stances, that led Darwin to exclaim, 

"No fact in the long history of the world is so 
starthng as the wide and repeated extermination of its 
inhabitants." 

It is now opportune to remark that Paleontology is 
that branch of natural science which treats of the 
fossil remains of plants and animals. In the words of 
Richard Owen, the great English naturalist, 

" Paleontology is the science which treats of the 
evidences in the earth's strata of organic beings, consist- 
ing of fossil remains, casts and impressions, of plants and 
animals, belonging, for the most part, to species that are 
extinct." 

" The endeavor to interpret such evidences has led to 
comparisons of the forms and structures of existing 
plants and animals, which have greatly advanced the 
science of Comparative Anatomy, especially as applied to 
the hard and enduring parts of the animal frame, such 
as corals, shells, spines, crusts, scales, scutes, bones and 
teeth." 

" In applying the results of these comparisons to the 
restoration of extinct species. Physiology has benefited 
by the study of the relations of structure to function, 
requisite to obtain an idea of the food and habits of such 
species. It has thus been enriched by the well-defined 
law of correlation of structures." * * * 

" Zoology has gained an immense accession of subjects 



PALEONTOLOGY. 119 

through the determination of the nature and affinities of 
extinct animals ; and much further insight has been 
carried into the true system of classification since pale- 
ontology expanded our survey of the animal kingdom. 

*' But no collateral science has profited so much by 
paleontology as that which teaches the structure of the 
earth's crust, with the time, order, and mode of formation 
of its constituent stratified and unstratified parts. 
Geology, indeed, in her recent progress, seems to have 
left her old hand-maiden mineralogy to lean upon her 
young and vigorous ofl'spring, the science of organic 
remains. 

" By this science, the law of the geographical distri- 
bution of animals, as deduced from existing species, is 
shown to have been in force during periods of time long 
antecedent to human history, or to any evidence of 
human existence; and yet, in relation to the whole 
known period of life-phenomena upon this planet, to 
have been a comparatively recent result of geographical 
forces determining the present configuration and position 
of continents. Hereby, paleontology throws light upon 
a most interesting branch of geographical science, that, 
namely, which relates to former configurations of the 
earth's surface, and to other dispositions of land and sea 
than prevail at the present day. 

" Paleontology shows that climate has changed in the 
same latitude from warm to cold, and from cold to warm, 
in a degree greater than any recorded in human history, 
and thus supplies meteorology with a most interesting 
though obscure problem in regard to the physical con- 
ditions of such alterations. 

*^ Finally, paleontology has yielded most important 
facts in the highest range of knowledge to which the 
human intellect aspires. It teaches that the globe 
allotted to man has revolved in its orbit through a period 
of time so vast, that the mind in the endeavor to realize 
it, is strained by an effort like that by which it strives to 
conceive the space dividing the solar system from the 
most distant nebulse." 



] 20 PALEONTOLOGY. 

" Paleontology has shown that, from the inconceiyably 
remote period of the disposition of the Cambrian rocks, 
the earth has been vivilied by the sun's light and heat, 
has been fertilized by refreshing showers, and washed by 
tidal waves ; that the ocean not only moved in orderly 
oscillations, regulated, as now, by sun and moon, but 
was rippled and agitated by winds and storms ; that the 
atmosphere, besides these movements, was healthily 
influenced by clouds and vapors, rising, condensing, and 
falling in ceaseless circulation. With such conditions of 
life, paleontology demonstrates that life has been enjoyed 
during the same countless thousands of years ; and that 
with life, from the beginning, there has been death. 
The earliest testimony of the living thing, whether coral, 
crust or shell, in the oldest fossiliferous rock, is at the 
same time proof that it died. At no period does it appear 
that the gift of life has been monopolized by contempo- 
rary individuals, through a stagnant sameness of untold 
time, but it has been handed down from generation to 
generation, and successively enjoyed by the countless 
thousands that constitute the species. Paleontology 
further teaches that, not only the individual, but the 
species perishes ; that as death is balanced by generation, 
so extinction has been concomitant with the creative 
power which has produced a succession of species ; and 
furthermore, that, in this succession, there has been an 
advance and progress in the main." — Owen's Paleon- 
tology, jMges 1, 2, 3. 

" The proportion of the known forms of extinct life 
may be very small compared with that which remains 
for future "discovery; but the sum of what is known 
yields the legitimate deduction, that there has been a 
succession of species illustrating in the main the pro- 
gressive perfection of the nervous system, and the con- 
comitant predominance of mind over matter." 

" If, turning from a retrospect into past time to the 
prospect of that to come, we may speculate on the future 
course of vital phenomena on this planet, the guide-post 
of Paleontology Avould seem to point to a period when 



PALEONTOLOGY. 121 

the earth may become tlie abode of a higher race of 
intelhgences. But here we enter the wilderness of con- 
jecture, where, in trying to advance, we are soon ^in 
wandering mazes lost.' " 

" If, in all the striking changes of form and proportion 
which have passed under review, we could discern only 
the results of minor modifications of a few essential ele- 
ments, we must be the more strikingly impressed with 
the unity of that Cause, and with the wisdom and 
power which could produce so much variety, and at the 
same time such perfect adaptations and endowments, out 
of means so simi:>le. For, in what have those contrasted 
limbs, hoofs, paws, fins, and wings, so variously formed 
to obey the behests of volition in denizens of different 
elements, differed from the mechanical instruments which 
we ourselves plan with foresight and calculation for anala- 
gous uses, save in their greater complexity, in their perfec- 
tion, and in the unity and simplicity of the elements 
which are modified to constitute these several locomotive 
organs ! 

" Everywhere in organic nature we see the means not 
only subservient to an end, but that end accomplished 
by the best means. Hence, we are compelled to regard 
the Great Cause of all, not like certain philosophic an- 
cients, as a uniform and quiescent mind, but as an active 
and anticipating intelligence. By applying the laws of 
comparative anatomy to the relics of extinct races of 
animals contained in and characterizing the different 
strata of the earth's crust, and corresponding with as 
many epochs in the earth's history, we make an important . 
step in advance of all preceding philosophies, and are 
able to demonstrate that the same pervading, active, and 
beneficent intelligence which manifests His power in our 
times, has also manifested His power in times long an- 
terior to the records of man's existence." — Oioen's Paleon- 
tology, yage 449. 

" There are several circumstances under which impres- 
sions made on a part of the earth's surface soft enough 
to admit them, may be preserved after the impressing 



122 PALEONTOLOGY. 

body has perished. When a shell smks into sand or mnd. 
which in course of time becomes hardened into stone, and 
when the shell is removed by any solvent that may have 
filtered through the matrix, its place may become occupied 
by crystalline or other mineral matter, and the evidence 
of the shell be thus preserved by a cast, for which the 
cavity made by the shell has served as a mould. If the 
shell has sunk with its animal within it, the plastic ma- 
trix may enter the dwelling-chamber as far as the re- 
tracted soft parts will permit, and as these slowly melt 
away, their place may become occupied by deposits of 
matter that had been held in solution by water percolat- 
ing the matrix, and such, usually crystalline, deposit may 
receive and retain some color from the soft parts of which 
it thus becomes the substitute." 

" Even where the impressing force or body has been 
removed directly or shortly after it has made the pressure, 
evidence of it may be preserved. A superficial film of 
clay, tenacious enough to resist the escape of a bubble of 
gas, may retain, when petrified, the circular trace left by 
the collapse of the burst vesicle. The liglitning flash re- 
cords its course hy the vitrified tube it may have con- 
structed out of the sandy particles melted in Us siv if t pas- 
sage through the earth. The hailstone, the ripyle wave^ the 
rain-drop), even the loind that bore the drops along and 
drove them slanting on the sand, have been registered in 
casts of the cavities ivhich they originally made on the soft 
sea-beach ; and the evidence of these and other meteoric 
actions, as sun-cracks and frost marhs, so loritten on im- 
perishable stone, have come down to us from times incal- 
culably remote. Every form of animal that, ivrithing, 
crawling, tmllcing, running, hopping, or leaping, could 
leave a trade, dep)ression, or foot-print, behind it, might 
thereby leave similar lasting evidence of its existence, and 
also to some extent of its nature^ — Oiven^s Paleontology, 
page 177. 

"The minute chambered shells of Protozoans enter 
largely into the composition of all the sedimentary strata. 



PALEONTOLOGY. 123 

jind are so abundant in many common and familiar ma- 
terials like the chalk, as to justify the expression of Buf- 
fon, that the very dust had been alive. The deep-sea 
soundings of the Atlantic Telegraph Company, and those 
since taken midway between Eockall and Cape Farewell, 
have shown that the bed of that great ocean, at a depth 
approaching, or even exceeding, two miles, is composed 
of little else than the calcareous shells of a globe-bearer 
and a few other Rhizopods, with the sihcious shields of 
the allied polycystine. * * * The lower eocene beds 
in the ^ Calcaire grossier,' which are employed at Paris 
as a building stone contain protozoans in such abundance 
that one may say the capital of France is almost con- 
structed of those minute and complex shells. It is in the 
middle eocene, or nummulitic period, that the Rhizopods 
attained their greatest size, and played their most import- 
ant part. Wherever limestones or calcareous sands of 
this period are met with, these coined-shaped shells 
abound, and literally form strata which in the aggregate 
become mountain masses. The nummulitic limestones 
are formed in Southern Europe, in Northern Africa, and 
in India ; they also occur in Jamaica. The commonest 
form is the true nummulite, which occurs in the building- 
stone of the Great Pyramid." — Oioen^s Paleontology, pages 
11-14. 

" The city of Richmond, in Virginia, stands over a 
stratum twenty-eight feet thick of fossil infusoria, prin- 
cipally composed of two genera. They enter largely 
into all the cretaceous and Tertiary beds, and are found 
in many limestone layers of great thickness, wdiich extend 
for leagues." — Hillside^ s Compend of Geology, page 83. 

" The earliest good evidence which has been obtained 
of a vertebrate animal in the earth's crust, is a spine, of 
the nature of the dorsal spine of the dog-fish." — Otven's 
Paleontology, page 119. 

" Some species of fishes of the Devonian epoch, existed 
in such vast shoals in certain favorable inlets, that the 
whole mass of the sedimentary deposits has been affected 



124: PALEONTOLOGY. 

by the decomposing remains of successive generations of 
those fishes. The Devonian flagstones of Caithness are 
an instance. They owe their peculiar and vahiable quali- 
ties of density, tenacity, and durability, to the dead fishes 
that rotted in their primitive constituent mud. * * * 
Yet there are minds, who, cognizant of the wonderful 
structures of the extinct Devonian fishes, — of the evidence g. 
of design and adaptation in their structures, — of the al- 
tered nature of the sediment surrounding them, and its 
dependence on the admixture of the decomposing and 
dissolved soft parts of the old fish, — would deliberately 
reject the conclusions which healthy human reason must, 
as its Creator has constituted it, draw from such proofs 
of His operations. These ' irrationalists' try to make it 
be believed that God had recently, and at once, called 
into being all these phenomena; that the fossil bones', 
scales, and teeth, had never served their purpose, — had 
never been recent, — were never truly developed, but were 
created fossil ; that the creatures they simulate never ac- 
tually existed ; that the superior hardness of the inclos- 
ing matrix was equally due to primary creation, not to 
any secondary cause. Like the Manicheans, they refer 
the geological evidences of deposition, superposition, strat- 
ification, petrification, and upheaval, equally with the 
paleontological proofs, to the operations of a being ac- 
tuated by an elaborate design to deceive." — OimrCs Pa- 
Uontology, ^j«^e 159. 

Says Sir Charles Lyell, in his " Manual of Element- 
ary Geology," 

" All are aware that the solid parts of the earth consist 
of distinct substances, such as clay, chalk, sand, limestone, 
coal, slate, granite, and the like ; but, previously to obser- 
vation, it is commonly imagined that all these had re- 
mained from the first in the state in which we now see 
them, — that they were created in their present form, and 
in their present position. The geologist soon comes to a 
different conclusion, discovering proofs that the external 
parts of the earth were not all produced in the beginning 



PALEONTOLOGY. 125 

of things, in the state in which we now behold them, nor 
in an instant of time. On the contrary, he can show 
that they haye acquired their actual configuration and 
condition gradually, under a great yariety of circum- 
stances, and at successiye periods, during each of which 
distinct races of liying beings haye flourished on the land 
and in the waters, the remains of these creatures still 
lying buried in the crust of the earth." — LyelVs Manual 
of Geology, page 1. 

" By a fossil is meant any body, or the traces of the 
existence of any body, whether animal or yegetable, which 
has been buried in the earth by natural causes. The re- 
mains of animals, especially of aquatic species, are found 
almost eyerywhere imbedded in stratified rocks, and 
sometimes, in the case of limestone, they are in such 
abundance as to constitute the entire mass of the rock 
itself. Shells and corals are the most frequent, and with 
them are often associated the bones and teeth of fishes, 
fragments of wood, impressions of leayes, and other 
organic substances. Fossil shells, of forms such as now 
abound in the sea, are met with, far inland, both near the 
surface, and at great depths below it. They occur at all 
heights aboye the leyel of the ocean, haying been obseryed 
at eleyations of more than 8,000 feet in the Pyrenees,, 
10,000 in the Alps, 13,000 in the Andes, and aboye 
18,000 feet in the Himalaya. * * * When geology 
was first cultiyated, it was a general belief, that these 
marine shells and other fossils were the effects and proofs 
of the deluge of Noah ; but all who haye carefully inyesti- 
gated the phenomena haye long rejected this doctrine. A 
transient flood might be supposed to leaye behind it, here 
and there upon the surface, scattered heaps of mud, sand, 
and shingle, with shells confusedly intermixed ; but the 
strata containing fossils are not superficial deposits, and 
do not simply coyer the earth, but constitute the entire 
mass of mountains." — LyelVs Manual of Geology, page 4. 

"If we haye found it impossible to assign a limit to 
the time throughout which it has pleased an Omnipotent 



126 PALEONTOLOGY. 

and Eternal Being to manifest liis creative power, we have 
iit least succeeded beyond all hope in carrying back our 
researches to times antecedent to the existence of man. 
We can prove that man had a beginning, and that all the 
,^pecies now contemporary with man, and many others 
which preceded, had also a beginning, and that conse- 
quently, the ])reseni state of the organic world has not 
gone on from all eternity, as some philosophers have 
maintained. It can be shown that the earth's surface has 
been remodeled again and again; mountain chains have 
been raised or sunk ; valleys formed, filled up, and then 
re-excavated; sea and land have changed places, yet 
throughout all these revolutions, and the consequent 
alterations of local and general climate, animal and 
vegetable life has been sustained. This has been accom- 
plished without violation of the laws now governing the 
organic creation, by which limits are assigned to the 
variability of species. The succession of living beings ap- 
l^ears to have been continued not ly the transwAitatioyi of 
■species, but by the introcluctio7i into the earth, from time to 
time, of new plants and neio animals. * * * Astronomy 
has been unable to establish the plurality of habitable 
worlds throughout space, however favorite a subject of 
conjecture and speculation; but geology, although it cannot 
prove that other planets fcie peopled with appropriate 
races of living beings, has demonstrated the truth of con- 
clusions scarcely less wonderful, — the existence on our 
own planet of so many habitable surfaces, or worlds as 
they have been called, each distinct in time, and peopled 
with its peculiar races of aquatic and terrestrial beings. 
The proofs now accumulated of the close analogy between 
extinct and recent species are such as to leave no doubt 
on the mind that the same harmony of parts and beauty 
of contrivance which we admire in the living creation, 
has equally characterized the organic world at remote 
periods. Thus, as we increase our knowledge of the inex- 
haustible variety displayed in living nature, and admire 
the infinite wisdom and power which it dis])lays, our ad- 
miration is multiplied by the reflection, that it is only the 
last of a great series of pre-existing creations, of wliicli we 



PALEONTOLOGY. 12T 

cannot estimate the number or limit in times past." — 
LyelVs Manual of Geology, 2^ci9& 631. 

"On one occasion, Hntton, the Scotch geologist, took 
his two distinguished pupils, Playfair and Sir James Hall, 
to the cliffs on the east coast of Scotland, near the village 
of Eyemouth, not far from St. Abb's Head, where the 
schists of Laramermuir range are undermined and dis- 
sected by the sea. * * * MYhat clearer eyidence,' 
exclaims Playfair, ' could we have had of the different 
formation of these rocks, and of the long interval which 
separated their formation, had we actually seen them 
emerging from the bosom of the deep ? We felt ourselves 
necessarily carried back to the time when the schistus on 
which we stood was yet at the bottom of the sea, and 
when the sandstone before us was only beginning to be 
deposited in the shape of sand or mud, from the waters 
of a superincumbent ocean. An epoch still more re- 
mote presented itself, when even the most ancient of these 
rocks, instead of standing upright in vertical beds, lay in 
horizontal planes at the bottom of the sea, and was not 
yet disturbed by that immeasurable force which has burst 
asunder the solid pavement of the globe. Eevolutions 
still more remote appeared in the distance of this extra- 
ordinary perspective. The mind seemed to grow giddy 
by looking so far into the abyss of time ; and while we 
hstened with earnestness and admiration to the philoso- 
pher who was now unfolding to us the order and series of 
these wonderful events, we became sensible how mucli 
farther reason may sometimes go than imagination can 
venture to follow.' " — LyeWs Manual of Geology, page 60. 
" While the same fossils prevail in a particular set of 
strata for hundreds of miles in a horizontal direction, we 
seldom meet with the same remains for many fethoms, 
and very rarely for several hundred yards, in a vertical 
line, or a line transverse to the strata. This fact has 
now been verified in almost all parts of the globe, and 
has led to a conviction, that at successive periods of the 
past, tlie same area of land and water has been inhaiited 
by species of animals and plants even more distinct than 



128 PALEONTOLOGY. 

tliose wMch 71020 people the antipodes, or wJiicJi n$i9 co- 
exist in the arctic, temperate, and tropical zories. It ap- 
p>ears that, from the remotest periods, there has heen ever 
a coming in of neio organic forms, and an extinction of 
those lohich pre-existed on the earth ; some species having 
-endured for a longer, others for a shorter, time ; while 
oione have ever reappeared after once dying out." — LyelVs 
Geology, page 98. 

" The same species of organic remains cannot be traced 
horizontally, or in the direction of the planes of stratifi- 
cation fwr indefinite distances. This might have been 
expected from analogy ; for luhen toe inquire into the 
present distribution of living 'beings, we find that the 
haUtalle surface of the sea and land may he divided into 
a consider ahle number of distinct provinces, each peopled 
hy a peculiar assemblage of animals and plants. Climate 
is only one of many causes on tvhich these separate divi- 
sions depend, and differ e7ice of longitiode as well as latitude 
is generally accompanied by a dissimilarity of indigenous 
■species." — LyelVs Manual of Geology, p)age 98. 

" How many living writers are there who, before the 
year 1844, generalized fearlessly on the non-existence of 
reptiles before the Permian era ! Yet, in the course of 
ten years, they have lived to see the earliest known date 
of the creation of reptiles carried back successfully, first 
to the Carboniferous, and then to the Upper Devonian 
periods. Before the year 1818, it was the popular belief 
that the Pal^otherium of the Paris gypsum and its as- 
sociates were the first warm-blooded quadrupeds that 
■ever trod the surface of this planet. So fixed was this 
idea in the minds of the majority of naturalists, that, 
when at length the Stonesfield Mammalia awoke from a 
slumber of three or four great periods, the apparition 
failed to make them renounce their creed. 

' Unwilling I my lips unclose — 
Leave, oh, leave me to repose.' 

Pirst, the antiquity of the rock was called in question ; 
and then the mammalian character of the relics. Even 



PALEONTOLOGY, 129 

long after all controversy was set at rest on these points, 
the real import of the new revelation, as bearing on the 
doctrine of progressive development, was far from being 
duly appreciated."— X?/e?rs Geology, page 4:66. 

" At Cape Breton, Mr. Eichard Brown has observed in 
the Sydney coal-field a total thickness of coal-measures, 
w^ithout includnig tlie underlying millstone-grit, of 1,8-1:3 
feet, dipping at an angle of 8^. He has published mi- 
nute details of the whole series, showing at how many 
different levels erect trees occur, consisting of Sigillaria, 
Lepidodendron, Calamites, and other genera. In one 
place eight erect trunks, with roots and rootlets ^ at- 
tached to them, were seen at the same level, within a 
horizontal space of 80 feet in length. Beds of coal of 
various thickness are interstratified. Taking into account 
forty-one clays filled ivith roots of Stigmaria in their 
natural position, and eighteen layers of iipright trees at 
other levels, there is, on the whole, clear evidence of at least 
■tifty-nine fossil forests, ranged one above the otlier, in 
this coal field, in the aljove-inentioned tliichness of strata.'' 
— LyelVs Manual of Geology, page 380. 

"It has been already stated, that the carboniferous 
strata at the South Joggins, in Nova Scotia, are nearly 
three miles thick, and the coal-measures are ascertained 
to be of vast thickness near Pictou, more than 100 miles 
to the eastward. If, therefore, we speculate on the prob- 
able volume of solid matter, contained in the Nova Scotia 
coal-fields, there appears little danger of erring on the side 
of excess if we take the average thickness of the beds at 
7,500 feet, or about half that ascertained to exist in one 
carefully-measured section. As to the area of the coal- 
field, it includes a large part of New Brunswick to tlie 
west, and extends north to Prince Edward's Island, and 
probably to the Magdalen Isles. When we add the Cape 
Breton beds, and the connecting strata, which must have 
been denuded, or are still concealed beneath the waters of 
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, we obtain an area comprising 
about 36,000 square miles. This, with the thickness of 



130 PALEONTOLOGY. 

7,500 feet before assumed, will give 51,000 cubic miles of 
solid matter as the volume of the carboniferous rocks." 

" The Mississippi would take more than two millions 
of years to convey to the G-ulf of Mexico an equal quan- 
tity of 'solid matter in the shape of sediment, assuming 
the average discharge of water, in that great river to be, as 
calculated by Mr. Forshey, 450,000 cubic feet per second^ 
throughout the year, and the total quantity of mud to be, 
as estimated by Mr. Eiddell, 3,702,758,400 cubic feet in 
the year." 

" The Ganges, according to the data supplied by Mr. 
Everest and Capt. Strachey, conveys so much larger a 
volume of solid matter annually to the Bay of Bengal, 
that it might accomplish a similar task in 375,000 years, 
or in less than a fifth of the time which the Mississippi 
would require." 

"As the lowest of the carboniferous strata of Nova 
Scotia, like the middle and uppermost, consist of shallow- 
water beds, the whole vertical subsidence of three miles, 
at the South Joggins, must have taken place gradually. 
If then this depression was brought about in the course 
of 375,000 years, it did not exceed the rate of four feet 
in a century, resembling that now experienced in certain 
countries, where, whether the movement be upward or 
downward, it is quite insensible to the inhabitants, and 
only known by scientific inquiry. If, on the other hand, 
it was brought about in two millions of years, according 
to the other standard before alluded to, the rate would 
be only six inches in a century." — LyelVs Manual of Geol- 
ogy, page 383. 

In his work entitled " The Student's Manual of 
Geology," Joseph Beete Jukes, who, as a geologist, is 
almost as learned and distinguished as Sir Charles 
Lyell, gives the following table of the 



PALEONTOLOGY. 131 



lilVING AND FOSSIL SPECIES OF THE BRITISH ISLANDS. 

T^ Number of Number of 

■'^"'"^^^- Living Species. Fossil Species. 

Zoophytes 70 435 

Polyzoa 70 258 

Testacea 513 4,590 

^ Echinodermata 70 492 

Crustacea 225 298 

Fishes.. ^ 162 741 

Eeptiles 18 180 

Bh-ds 332 11 

Mammals ,..: 70 110 



1,530 7,115 

" If we turn to the Molhisca as our best guide in this 
case for the British Islands, we find that the fossil species 
known are nearly nine times as numerous as the living 
species. If, indeed, we excluded the land and fresh 
water shells from each side of the comparison, we should 
find the fossil marine testaceous Mollusca more thau ten 
times the number of the living ones. Our conclusion 
must be, that there are buried in the British Islands the 
remains of at least ten complete populations of Mollusca, 
each as numerous in species as those now living in the 
seas around us. But, as a matter of fact, while the exist- 
ing population is almost entirely known from recent most 
elaborate researches, the extinct populations are yet very 
imperfectly known ; and some great groups and forma- 
tions exists in which few or no Mollusca have yet been 
found fossil ; and therefore we may feel assured that the 
number of fossil Mollusca, are in reality the representa- 
tives, more or less imperfect, of many more than ten pop- 
ulations of the past, which have died away and become 
extinct. These conclusions are confirmed by examining 
the other aquatic classes of animals ; the fossil Fishes, for 
instance, are nearly y? re times; the Echinodermata seven 
times ; the Zoophytes more than six times ; and the Eep- 
tiles ten times more numerous than our living ones ; most 



132 PALEONTOLOGY. 

of these classes having been still more partially, and, as it 
were, capriciously, preserved than the Mollusca. 

" We can hardly walk upon the earth over large parts 
of its surface without shaking the grave of some long ex- 
tinct animal, while for hundreds and thousands of feet 
beneath us are successive grave-yards of the past, each 
crowded with the remains of a once happy and joyous tx- 
istence." — Juke's Manual of Geology, pages 382, 383. 

Prof. Agassiz, in the course of an article on '' The 
Growth ot'Continents," in the AtlantiG Monthly^ of 
July, 1863, speaks of the epochs " or divisions in 
the' history of the earth when a violent convulsion in 
the surface of the globe and a change in its inhabitants 
ushered in a new aspect of things ;" and of " the suc- 
cessive upteavals and the different sets of animals and 
plants w^hich have followed each other on the globe ;" 
and then goes on to say : 

" Accustomed as a boy to ramble about in the beautiful 
gorges and valleys of the Jura, and in riper years, as my 
interest in science increased, to study its formation with 
closer attention, the difference in the inclination of the 
slope had not escaped my observation. I was, however, 
still more attracted by the fossils it contained than by 
its geological character; and, indeed, there is no better 
locality for the study of extinct forms of life than the 
Jura. In all its breaks and ravines, wherever the inner 
surface of the rock is exposed, it is full of organic remains ; 
and to take a handful of soil from the roadside is often to 
gather a handful of shells. It is actually built of the re- 
mains of animals, and there are no coral reefs in existing 
seas presenting' a better opportunity for study to the nat- 
uralist than the coral reefs of the Jura. Being already 
tolerably familiar with the fossils of the Jura, it occurred 
to me to compare those of the upper and lower slope ; 
and to my surprise I found that they were everywhere 
different, and that those of the lower slope were invaria- 
bly Cretaceous in character, while those of the upper slope 
were Jurassic. In the course of this investigation, I dis- 



PALEONTOLOGY. 133 

covered three periods in the Cretaceous and four in the 
Jurassic epoch, all characterized by different fossils." 

" If we consider that wherever any stratum of the earth 
has been well explored, the number of species discovered 
has not fallen below that of the living species which now 
inhabit any particular locality of equal extent, and then 
bear in mind that there is a great number of geological 
strata, we may anticipate the day when the ascertained 
fossil species will far exceed the living species. We have 
about 250,000 species of living animals ; and supposing 
the number of fossil species only to equal them, we have 
in all, at a very moderate computation, half a million of 
species/' — Agassiz and Gould's Principles of Zoology, 
page 27. 

" Though in some deposits the variety of the animals 
contained may be less, in others it is greater, than that on 
the present surface. The coarse limestone in the neigh- 
borhood of Paris, which is only one stage of the lower ter- 
tiary, contains not less than 1,200 species of shells; 
whereas the species now living in tlie Mediterranean do 
not amount to half that number. Similar relations may 
be pointed out in America. Mr. Hall, one of the geologists 
of the New York Survey, has described, from the Trenton 
limestone, (one of the ten stages of the lower Silurian,) 
170 species of shells, a number almost equal to that of all 
the species found now living on the coast of Massachu- 
setts." — Agassiz and Gould's Frincij^les of Zoology, page 
220. 

" Each geological formation contains remains peculiar 
to itself, which do not extend into the neighboring de- 
posits above or below it. Still there is a connection be- 
tween the different formations, more strong in proportion 
to their proximity to each other. Thus, the animal re- 
mains of the Chalk, while they differ from those of all 
other formations, are nevertheless, much more nearly re- 
lated to tliose of tlie Oolitic formation, which is much 
more ancient; and, in the same manner, the fossils of the 
carboniferous group approach more nearly to those of the 
Siluiian formation than to those of the Tertiary." — 
Agassiz and Go^dd's Principles of Zoology, paae 221. 



134 PALEONTOLOGY. 

Says Hugh Miller, in his '' Old Red Sandstone:" 

" The greater number of the finny fossils of the deep 
yet discovered have been named by Agassiz, the highest 
authority as an ichthyologist in the world, and in whom 
the scarcely more celebrated Cuvier recognized a natural- 
ist in every respect worthy to succeed him. The com- 
parative amount of the labors of these two great men in 
fossil ichthyology, and the amazing acceleration which 
has taken place within the last few years in the progress 
of geological science, are illustrated together, and that 
very strikingly, by the following interesting fact, — a fact 
derived directly from Agassiz himself, and which must be 
new to most persons. When Cuvier closed his researches 
in this department, he had named and described, for the 
guidance of the geologist, ninety- two distinct species of 
fossil fish ; nor was it then known that the entire geolog- 
ical scale, from the Upper Tertiary to the Gray wacke in- 
clusive, contained more. Agassiz commenced his labors, 
and in a period of time little exceeding fourteen years he 
has raisecl the number of species from ninety-iwo to sixteen 
hundred; and this number, great as it is, is receiving ac- 
cessions almost every day." — Millefs Old Red Sandstone, 
2)age 62. 

In his " Analytical View of the Researches on Fossil 
Osteology," Lord Brougham says : 

" We are now living in the fourth era or succession of 
inhabitants upon this earth. The first was that of Reptiles ; 
the second that of Palasotheria ; the third of Mammoths 
and Megatheria ; and it is only in this present or fourth 
era in succession that we find our own species and the 
animals which have always been our companions." — 
Brougliam^s Fossil Osteology, yage 229. 

" Of the one hundred and fifty quadrupeds examined 
by Cuvier, and whose remains are found deposited in 
different strata of our continent, more than ninety are at 
present wholly unknown in any part of the world ; nearly 
sixty of these are genera wholly unknown, the rest being 



PALEONTOLOGY. 135 

neTV species of existing genera ; only eleven or twelve are 
so like the present races as to leave no doubt of their 
identity, or rather of their osteology being the same; 
while the remaining fifty, though resembling in most re- 
spects the existing tribes, as far as the skeletons are con- 
cerned, may very possibly be found, on more close sur- 
vey, and on examining more specimens, to diifer ma- 
terially even in their bones. Nor is it at all unlikely that, 
of the whole one hundred and fifty, every one would be 
found to be of a race now extinct, if we could see their 
softer .parts as well as their bones and their teeth." — 
Brougham^ s Fossil Osteology, imge 225. 

" Fossil deposits present many remains of ruminating 
animals. There are of the Deer no less than twenty-eight 
species wholly unknown among the existing inhabitants 
of the earth. Of the fossil Rhinoceros, nine distinct 
species have been found; of the Elephant, eight; of the 
Mastodon, eleven; of the Hippopotamus, two; of the 
Tapir, fourteen ; of the Bear, nine ; of the Hyaena, eight ; 
of the Cat, including the Lion and Tiger, fifteen ; of the 
Dog, including the AVolf, ten ; of the Weasel, two ; and 
of the Beaver, four." — Brougham^ s Fossil Osteology, page 
184. 

Dr. John Pye Smith, in his treatise on Geological 
Science, says, 

" Geology furnishes cases of animal life extinguished 
upon a scale immensely large, by other processes than 
being devoted to furnish nutriment for other living creat- 
ures. The polishing stone called tripoli was till lately 
thought to be a siliceo-argillaceous rock ; but it is now 
ascertained to be a congeries of microscopic many-cham- 
bered shells; and there are rocks of nummulitic limestone, 
and vast heaps of the shell milliola compressed into solid 
masses. The able and indefatigable Curator to the Geo- 
logical Society, Mr. Lonsdale, has discovered microscopic 
shells in chalk, unutterably numerous. In all these cases, 
the densely associated and countless millions of once liv- 



136 PxVLEONTOLOGY. 

ing beings, whicli inhabited those shells, must have died 
by the upheaving, out of the sea, of the compact masses 
consisting of them, and being thus left dry. Was not 
that as painful a death as if they had supplied food to 
larger cephalopods ? It was probably much slower, and 
consequently must have involved more protracted dis- 
tress." — John Pye Smith's Geological Science^ 2^(f'(je 321. 

In his interesting and admirable work on " Man 
and Mature," George P. Marsh says, 

" Some quadrupeds have completely disappeared from 
many European and Asiatic countries where they were 
formerly numerous. The last wolf was killed in Great 
Britain two hundred years ago, and the bear was extir- 
pated from the British Islands still earlier. The British 
wild ox exists only in a few English and Scottish parks; 
wliile in Irish bogs, of no great apparent antiquity, are 
found antlers which testify to the former existence of a 
stag much larger than any extant European species. The 
lion is believed to have inhabited Asia Minor and Syria, 
and probably Greece and Sicily also, long after the com- 
mencement of the historical period, and he is even said to 
have been not yet extinct in the first-named two of these 
countries at the time of the first Crusades. Two large 
graminivorous or browsing quadrupeds, the ur and the 
schelk, once common in Germany, are utterly extinct, 
and the eland and the aurochs are nearly so. * * * 
Modern naturalists identify the elk with the eland, and 
the wisent with the aurochs. The period Avhen the ur 
and the schelk' became extinct is not known. The au- 
rochs survived in Prussia until the middle of the last cen- 
tury ; but unless it is identical with a similar quadruped 
feaid to be found on the Caucasus, it now exists only in 
the Kussian imperial forest of Bialowitz, where about a 
thousand are still preserved, and in some great menageries, 
as, for example, that at Schonbrunn, near Vienna, which, 
in 1852, had four specimens. The eland, which is closely 
allied to the American wapiti, if not specifically the same 
animal, is still kept in the royal preserves of Prussia, to 



PALEONTOLOGY. 



137 



the number of four or five liundred individiials. The 
chamois is becoming rare, and the ibex or steinbock, once 
common in all the high Alps, is now believed to be con- 
fined to the Cogne mountains in Piedmont."— J/ar^A's 
Man and Nature, page 84. 

'' Thus far, but few birds described by ancient or mod- 
ern naturahsts are known to have_become absolutely- 
extinct, though there are some cases in which they are as-' 
certained to have utterly disappeared from the face of the 
earth in very recent times. The most famihar instances 
are those of the dodo, a large bird peculiar to the Mauri- 
tius or Isle of France, exterminated about the year 1690, 
and now known only by two or three fragments of skele- 
tons, and the sohtary, which mhabited the islands of 
Bourbon and Rodriguez, but has not been seen for more 
than a century. A parrot and some other birds of the 
Norfolk Island group are said to have lately become ex- 
tinct. The wingless auk, a bird remarkable for its 
excessive fatness, was very abundant two or three 
hundred years ago in the Faroe Islands, and on the whole 
Scandinavian seaboard. The early voyagers found either 
the same or a closely allied species, in immense numbers, 
on all the coasts and islands of Newfoundland. The 
value of its flesh and its oil made it one of the most im- 
portant resources of the inhabitants of those sterile regions, 
and it was naturally an object of keen pursuit. It is 
supposed to be now completely extinct, and few museums 
can show even its skeleton. * * * New Zealand for- 
merly possessed three species of dinornis, one of which, 
called moa by the islanders, was much lar^'er than the os- 
trich. The condition in which the bones of these birds 
have been found, and the traditions of the natives, concur 
to prove that, though the aborigines had probably extir- 
pated them before the discovery of New Zealand by the 
whites, they still existed at a comparatively late period. 
The same remarks apply to a winged giant, the eggs of 
which have been brought from Madagascar. This bird 
must have much exceeded the dimensions of the moa, at 
least so far as we can judge from the egg, wliich is eight 
times as large as tlie average size of the ostrich Qgg, or 



138 PALEONTOLOaV. 

about one hundred and fifty times tliat of the hen." — 
MavsNs Man and Nature, page 95. 

In his " Gallery of Mature," Thomas Milner says : 

"It is an extraordinary fact, that whole masses of the 
solid materials of the globe appear to be composed almost 
entirely of the remains of animals or plants. In the 
more recent geological formations, examples of the re- 
mains of species identical with those which mark the ex- 
isting condition of nature occur, but the proportionate 
number of these and extinct species becomes less as we 
descend through the six or seven tertiary beds, till we ar- 
rive at the chalk, in and below Avhich no species are 
observed which can bo identified with any now hving, 
though, according to Koferstein, a German writer in 1884, 
the species of oiganic remains described in rocks helow 
the tertiary strata amount to upward of 9,000." — Milner^s 
■ Gallery of Nature, page 635. 

In his " Marvels of Science," S. W. Fullom says, 

" Some of the formations which constitute the crust of 
the earth, to a depth of many fathoms, are composed 
merely of the remains of animalcules, which must have 
been millions of years accumulating. To mention an 
example, Tripoli stone is formed of exquisite little shells, 
so minute and so numberless, that a cube of one inch is 
said to Q,<d\-\i'dX\\ forty -one thousand millions of individuals ! 
The chalk beds have accumulated from the excrement 
of fish ; and tha nummulitic limestone, which has fur- 
nished the imperishable blocks of the pyramids of Egypt, 
is a concretion of small shells, chambered with the most 
perfect symmetry, and deposited in the course of innu- 
merable ages." — Fullom' s Marvels of Science, page 116. 

In Summerville's Physical Geography, it is stated 
that, 

" The quantity of fossil remains is so great, that prob- 
ably not a particle of matter exists on the surface of the 



PALEONTOLOGY. 139 

earch that has not at some time formed part of a living 
creature. Since the commencement of animated exist- 
ence, zoophytes have huilt coral reefs extending hundreds 
of miles, and mountains of limestone are full of their re- 
mains all over the globe. Mines of shells are worked to 
make lime ; ranges of hills and rock, many hundred feet 
thick, are almost entirely composed of them ; and they 
abound in every mountain-chain throughout the earth.'* 

Says Cuvier, in his " Theory of the Earth," 

" When the traveler passes through those fertile plains 
where gently-flowing streams nourish in their course an 
abundant vegetation, and where the soil, inhabited by a 
numerous population, adorned with flourishing villages, 
opulent cities, and superb monuments, is never disturbed 
except by the ravages of war and the oppression of tyrants, 
he is not led to suspect that nature also has had her in- 
testine wars, and that the surfiice of the globe has been 
much convulsed by successive revolutions and various 
catastrophes. But his ideas change as soon as he digs 
into that soil which presented such a peaceful aspect. 
* * * The lowest and most level parts of the earth, 
when penetrated to a very great depth, exhibit nothing 
but horizontal strata composed of various substances, and 
containing almost all of them innumerable marine pro- 
ductions. Similar strata, with the same kind of produc- 
tions, compose the hills even to a great height. Some- 
times the shells are so numerous as to constitute the entire 
body of the stratum. They are almost everywhere in such a 
perfect state of preservation, that even the smallest of 
them retain their most delicate parts, their sharpest 
ridges, and their finest and tenderest processes. They 
are found in elevations far above the level of every part 
of the ocean, and in places to which the sea could not he 
conveyed by any existing cause. They are not only in- 
closed in loose sand, but are often incrusted and pene- 
trated on all sides by the hardest stones. Every part of 
the earth, every hemisphere, every continent, every island 
of any size, exhibits the same phenomenon. We are 



1-iO PALEONTOLOGY. 

therefore forcibly led to belieye, not only tliat the sea has, 
at one period or another, covered all our plains, but that 
it must have remained there for a long time, and in a 
state of tranquility ; which circumstance was necessary 
for the formation of deposits so extensive, so thick, in 
part so solid, and containing exuvise so perfectly pre- 
served. * * * The traces of revolutions become still 
more apparent and decisive when we ascend a little 
higher, and approach nearer to the foot of the great chains 
of mountains. There are still found many beds of shells ; 
some of these are even larger and more solid ; the shells 
are quite as numerous and as entirely preserved ; but 
they are not of the same species with those which were 
found in the less elevated regions. * * * The sea, 
previous to the formation of the horizontal strata, had 
formed others, which, by some means, have been broken, 
lifted up, and overturned in a thousand ways. There 
had therefore been also at least one change in tlie basin 
of that sea which preceded ours ; it had also experienced 
at least one revolution; and as several of these inchned 
strata which it had formed first, are elevated above the 
level of the horizontal strata which have succeeded 
them, and which surround them, this revolution, while 
it gave them their present inclination, had also caused 
them to project above the level of the sea, so as to form 
islands, rocks and other inequalities. * * * q^he sea 
has not always deposited stony substances of the same 
kind. It has observed a regular succession as to the 
nature of its deposits ; the more ancient the strata are, so 
much the more uniform and extensive are they ; and the 
more recent they are, the more limited are they, and the 
more variation is observed in them at small distances. 
Thus the great catastrophes which have produced revolu- 
tions in the basin of the sea, were preceded, accompanied, 
and followed by changes in the nature of the fluid and of 
the substances which it held in solution ; and when the 
surface of tlie seas came to be divided by islands and pro- 
jecting ridges, different changes took place in every sepa- 
rate basin. Amidst these changes of the general fluid, it 
must have been almost impossible for the same kind of 



PALEOXTOLOGT. I'il 

animals to continue to liYe;-nor did they do so iij fact 
Their species, a*d even then- genera, change witli the 
strata ; and although the same species of f J0"f, ^ ^-f;":,^* 
.mall distances, it is generally the case that the ^helk of tit 
ancient strata have forms peculiar to themselves , that 
they gradually disappear, till they are not to be seen at 
all m the recent strata, still less m the existing seas in 
which, indeed, we never discover their corresponding 
species, and where several even of their genera are not to 
be fouiid; that, on the contrary, the shells of the lecent 
strata resemble, as it respects the genus those which 
still exist in the sea; and that m the last formed and 
loosest of the strata there are some species which the eye 
of the most expert naturalist cannot distinguish 
from those which at present inhabit the ocean. ■ 
If we examine with greater care these remains of organ- 
ized bodies, we shall discover, in the miJ!* /ven of the 
most ancient secondary strata other fti'at'^ « f* aie 
crowded with animal or vegetable productions, which be- 
lon<^ to the land and to fresh water; and among the more 
recSit strata, tliat is, the strata which are nearest the 
;Xe, there are some of them in which land animals 
are buried under heaps of marme productions. Thus the 
various catastrophes of our planet have not only caused 
Ihrdifferent parts of our continent to rise by degrees 
from the basin of the sea, but it has also frequently hap- 
pened, that lands which had been laid dry have be«r 
Lain covered by the water, in consequence either of the 
S sink ng down below the level of the sea, or of the 
sea beng ratsed above the level of the aiids. The par- 
ticular pm-tions of the earth also which he sea has aban- 
doned by its last retreat, had been laid dry once beiore 
and had at that time produced quadrupeds, birds, plants, 
and all kinds of terrestrial productions ; it ^d then been 
inundated by the sea, which has since retued from it, and 
left it to be occupied by its own proi^er inhabitants. 

"These repeated irruptions and retreats of the 
«ea have neither been slow nor gradual ; most ot the 
catastrophes which have occasioned them have been sud- 
Sn f aiS this is easily proved, especially with regard to 



142 PALEONTOLOGY. 

the last of them, the traces of which are most consj^icu- 
ous. In the northern regions it has left the carcasses of 
some large quadruioeds which the ice had arrested, and 
which are preserved even to the present day with their 
skin, their hair and their flesh. If they had not been 
frozen as soon as killed, they must quickly have been de- 
composed by putrefaction. But this eternal frost could 
not have taken possession of the regions which these ani~ 
mals inhabited except by the same cause which destroyed 
them ; this cause, therefore, must have been as sudden as 
its effect. The breaking to pieces and overturnings of 
the strata, which happened in former catastrophes, show 
plainly enough that they were sudden and violent like 
the last, and the heaps of dehris and rounded pebbles 
which are found in various places among the solid strata, 
demonstrate the vast force of the motions excited in the 
mass of waters by these overturnings. Life, therefore, has 
been often disturbed on this earth by terrible events, — 
calamities which, at their commencement, have perhaps 
moved and overturned to a great depth the entire crust 
of the globe, but which, since these first commotions, 
have uniformly acted at a less depth and less generally. 
Numberless living beings have been the victims of these 
catastrophes ; some have been destroyed by sudden inun- 
dations ; others have been laid dry in consequence of the 
bottom of the seas being instantaneously elevated. Their 
races even have become extinct, and have left no memo- 
rial of them except some small fragment which the 
naturalist can scarcely recognize." — Guviefs Theory of 
tlie Earth, 2)ages 6 * * * 17. 

Of this incomparable French naturalist himself, his- 
biographer says, 

" The works of Cuvier show a master mind in the study^ 
of zoology; and, extending the principles laid down in 
his comparative anatomy to the study of paleontology, he 
has been enabled to render immense service to geology.. 
Starting from the law that there is a correlation of forms, 
in organized beings, — that all the parts of each individual 



PALEONTOLOGY. 143 

bave mutual relations with each other, tending to pro- 
duce one end, that of the existence of the being,— that 
each living being has in its nature its own proper functions, 
and ought therefore to have forms appropriated for those 
functions ; and that consequently the analogous parts of 
all animals have received modifications of forms which en- 
able them to be recognized, he was able to ascertain from the 
inspection of a single fossil bone, not only the family to 
which it ought to belong, but the genus to which it must be 
referred. Even the very species of animal was thus to be 
made out, and the restoration of its external form, as it 
might have lived and died, became in his hands an object 
of certainty and precision." 

As evidences of the very important changes that 
have taken place in the cliinate of various parts of the 
world, it is pertinent to remark, that recent investiga- 
tions and discoveries have shown that England, France, 
and other States of Europe, were, in ages long past, 
the habitat of Elephants, Mastodons, Ehinoceroses, 
Hippopotamuses, Tapirs, Hyenas and Monkeys. Hold- 
ing in view these ^vonderfiil facts, in connection with 
others akin to them and equally marvelous, we may, 
with good reason, entertain the belief that, 

" The very dust we tread upon was once alive." 

Many of the quadrupeds, reptiles, birds and other 
creatures, of the more ancient epochs, had peculiarities 
of size and form totally unlike anything that now ex- 
ists upon the earth. Among these veritable and extra- 
ordinary wonders of the antediluvian world, were 
the Mastodon, the Mylodon, the Megatherium, the 
Plesiosaur, the Ichthyosaur, the Pterodactyl, the 
Dinornis, the Epinornis, and the Aptery. Fullom, in 
his " Marvels of Science," tells us of a " Labyrinthodon, 
a gigantic fossil frog, equal in bulk to a rhinoceros ;" 
and' Sir Charles Lyell, in his " Manual of Elementary 



144 PALEONTOLOGY. 

Geology," describes an enormous extinct Tortoise, 
^' the curved shell of which measured twenty feet 
across." To both the ornithologist and the paleontolo- 
gist, the following item from the London Times of 
February 21, 1866, is of surpassing interest : 

" The fossil remains of a gigantic bird, estimated to 
have stood 25 feet high, have been discovered in some 
beds of limestone at Nelson, in New Zealand. The re- 
mains consist of a head minus the lower jaw, the dimen- 
sions of which are 3ft. 4in. by 1ft. lOin.; the orbit of the- 
eye measured l^in. by %^m.; also a body minus the neck; 
the thorax is highly developed but rather flat, the tail 
long, and body bulky ; the wings, which are well defined^ 
are large and close to the body, and are separated by 
a saddle or cradle very graceful in form ; the feathers 
covering the body are of a large size and lying close." 

The astonishing readiness with which Cuvier and 
other eminent naturalists learned to decipher the size 
and form of an animal from a close examination of 
any one of its bones, has been already alluded to^ 
and I have been assured, on good authority, that, 
from the inspection of a single scale, that was sent tO' 
him in a letter from China, a few years since. Prof. 
Agassiz depicted perfectly on paper the size and form, 
of a fish belonging to a new species which he had 
never seen, of which he had never heard, and of 
which, at the time he received the scale, there was 
no published account. 

In reference to extinct animals, other important 
facts, besides those of size and form, have also been 
determined. On almost any bone that may be pre- 
sented to them, a few of the more profound naturalists 
w^U read its length of years or centuries, — the marks 
of time upon it, — with almost as much accuracy as an 
experienced jockey will tell, by examining the teeth^ 
the age of the horse he rides. 



PALEONTOLOGY. 145 

T was somewhat amused, four years ago, at my 
learned friend. Dr. Burmeister, the scientific German 
Director of the Museum of IN'atural History at Buenos 
Ayres, who came into the Consulate one day, and es- 
pying on my mantle-piece a huge tooth that had been 
unearthed and sent to me by another friend, Mr. 
Simon Ernsthal, of Cordova, in .the Argentine Kepub- 
lic, he took it in his hands, slowly turning it over and 
over, and surveying it in the most thorough manner,, 
— after which, looking at me, he remarked, 

'' You have here, strange enough, a tooth of a species 
of Mastodon that has been extinct for at least fifteen 
thousand years." 

" O Doctor ! what a heretic and infidel you are !"^ 
I replied, — " a mastodon's iooXh fifteen thousand years 
old ! — why, don't you know that, according to a pop- 
ular belief among our orthodox friends, the world itself 
has been in existence only six thoitsand years ?" 

" Can't help that," he rejoined, with firmness and 
emphasis, " this tooth was in the jaw of a mastodon 
that lived and died (and its species with it,) at least 
fifteen thousand years ago." 

We have thus seen how extensively and innumera- 
bly individuals, species, and genera, of Beasts, Birds^ 
Fishes, Insects, and Infusoria, have, during the lapse 
of unnumbered ages, forever perished from the face of 
the earth. Meanwhile, how has it been with Man ? 
It is on record that, even so late as a long while after 
the dawn of historic times, " there were giants in the 
earth in those days." Judging from the reported 
length and width of his bedstead, which is said to have 
been ' of iron, Og, the giant King of Baslian, was, when 
standing erect, at least thirteen feet high, and bulky 
in proportion. In their report of what came under 
their observation and experience, the company of 
Jews who had been sent by Moses to explore, or rather^ 
in the frank and expressive words of the historian, to 



146 PALEONTOLOGY. 

■''spy out," the land of Canaan, spoke thus: "And 
there we saw the giants, the sons of Anak, -^ -5^ -J^- 
iind we were in our own sight as grasshoppers, and so 
we were in their sight." What has become of those un- 
godly giants, and of their heathenish kindred, country- 
men and allies, — those remnants of ancient and diverse 
races of men who could have nothing in common with 
the children of Israel ? This question is fully answer- 
ed in the few following injunctions and declarations 
gathered from the great compend of Hebrew litera- 
ture : 

" Spare them not ; but slay both man and woman, infant and 
suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass." 

" Thou shalt hough their horses, and burn their chariots with 
fire." 

'• David brought out the people that were in Rabbah, and cut 
them with saws, and with harrows of iron, and with axes. Even 
so dealt David with all the cities of the children of Ammon." 

" They smote them until they left none remaining. They smote 
-all the souls that were in Hazor, with the edge of the sword, 
utterly destroying them ; there was not any left to breathe," 

" For it was of the Lord to harden their liearts, that they should 
come against Israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, 
and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, 
as the Lord commanded Moses. And at that time came Joshua, 
and cut off the Anakim from the mountains, from Hebron, from 
Debir, from Anab, and from all the mountains of Judah, and from 
all the mountains of Israel. Joshua destroyed them utterly with 
their cities." 

" So Joshua smote all the country of the hills, and of the south, 
and of the vale, and of the springs, and all their kings ; he left 
none remaining, but utterly destroyed all that breathed, as the 
Lord God of Israel commanded." 

Says Joseph Beete Jukes, in his " Manual of Geol- 
ogy/' 

" Man has been found fossil in several situations. One 
specimen of a fossil human skeleton is to be seen in the 
British Museum, in a hard coral limestone from the con- 
solidated beach of Gaudaloupe. Human bones have also 
been found fossil in recent Tertiary deposits, partly of 
volcanic origin, at Le Puy in Veloy, and in various cay- 



PALEONTOLOGY. 147 

erns, and elsewhere, associated with the remains of extinct 
species." 

From a late number of the New York Times^ I 
have clipped the following : 

" At a recent meeting of the Chicago Academy of 
Science, some interesting facts were introduced to prove 
the great antiquity of the human race. Deep down in 
the Nile, in Egypt, it was stated that the remains of men 
had been found, to which the Pyramids were young. In 
1854 borings were made between Heliopolis and Memphis. 
They were carried to the depth of 72 feet, and did not 
pierce through the Nile mud. At every foot fragments 
of pottery were found. The deposit of mud is calculated 
to have been two and a half inches in a century. The 
pieces of pottery found at the lowest depths would thus 
be 38,000 years old. Compared with it the Thebes of Homer 
was modern. During the past season in California, in 
the gold drift had been found a skeleton of a man covered 
with three overflows of lava. If true, it carried back the 
epoch of the introduction of man to a remoter time than 
any European observations. While there are abundant 
evidences of glaciation of great parts of this continent 
these phenomena were wanting in California as though 
the Eocky Mountains acted as a barrier. But glaciers 
covered vast areas of the Sierra Nevada and crushed up 
the gold strata and carried them down. That grinding 
up might be referred to the glacial period. It was proba- 
ble that comparative tranquility followed those violent 
phenomena. The valleys were filled with modified drift. 
Those deposits served mainly as the grave of the fossil 
elephant, while the mastodon was found in swamps. At 
Natchez there was a terrace of sixty feet, where Dr. Nixon 
obtained the pelvic bone of a man intermingled with bones 
of the mastodon and megalonyx." 

In his unanswerable little work entitled " The 
Black Man," Dr. Burmeister, the learned and dis- 
tinguished naturalist says : 



f 



148 PALEONTOLOGY. 

" There are many nations and tribes which have al- 
Teady disappeared from the earth, because they did not 
resist the power of more powerful nations, or were unable 
to become powerful themselves. We do not grieve over 
the fall of the Celts, because we ourselves destroyed them. 
AYe look on with tranquility as the aboriginal people of 
America decay and pass away, while our own race is the 
-sole cause of their destruction." 

Daniel Wilson, Professor of History and English 
Literature in the University College, of Toi'onto, 
Canada, in his " Prehistoric Man," says, 

*' The revelations of geology disclose to us displacement 
and displacement as the economy of organic life through 
all the vast periods which its records embrace ; and 
among the many difficult problems which the thoughtful 
observer has to encounter, in an attempt to harmonize 
the actual with his ideal of the world as the great tlieatre 
of the human family, none is more intricate and perplex- 
ing than the displacement and extinction of races, such 
as has been witnessed on the American continent since 
the first European gained a footing on its shores." 

Of the less favored races of mankind, some, of 
feeble and fameless destinies, have long since ceased 
to retain a foothold upon the earth ; many, little 
better than those which first became extinct, have been 
•completely hid among the fossilizations of later 
periods : and numerous others, similarly frail and 
futile, are now rapidly passing away. 

Where, pray tell us, where are the Rephaim ? the 
Oaphtorim ? the Gibborim? the ISTaphilim? the 
Emim ? the Avim ? the Anakim ? the Zuzim ? and the 
Zamzummim ? 

Where, pray tell us, where are the Jebusites, the 
Perizzites ? the Girgashites ? the Zemarites ? the Tim- 
nites? the Amorites? the Arkites? the Arvadites ^ 
the Amalekitesi the BLivites? the Hittites ? and the 
Hamathites ? 



PALEONTOLOGY. 149 

Where, praj tell us, where are the Philistines ? 
What has been the fate of the aboriginal races of 
Egypt and Assyria ? Has there been seen for many 
centuries past, any living representative of the autoch- 
thones of either Greece or Eome ? Where may we 
look for the offspring of the Caucones? Is any Ger- 
man, or Frenchman, or Englishman, of to-day, an ofi'- 
shoot from the primitive inhabitants of any part of 
Germany, France, or Great Britain ? 

Where, pray tell us, where are the N'arragansetts ? 
the Nanticokes ? the Alleghans ? the Mandans ? the 
Minri ? the Unamis ? the Fries ? the Illinois ? the An- 
tiwendaronks ? the Susquehannocks ? and the Shaw- 
nees? Where, pray tell us, where are the Mohawk 
braves and the braves of the Algonquins ? All these 
are dead. Soon also will be dead, dead and forever 
done for — if, indeed, not already done for — the Penob- 
scots, the Passamaquoddys, the Oneidas, and the 
Onondagas ; the Wimponoags, the Winnebagoes, the 
Kickapoos, and the Pequods ; the Tuscaroras, the 
Potawatomies, the Mohegans, and the Micmacs ; the 
Wyandots, the Ojibways, the Choctaws, and the Clier- 
okees. 

Where, pray tell us, where are the descendants 
of the people whom Columbus discovered in Hispani- 
ola ? How long will yet last the lease of life of the 
few remnants of the Caribs 'i the Quiches ? the Cama- 
cans ? the Zutugils 'i the Kackiquels ? the Warrows ? 
the Chacos? and the Araucanians? How (if at all) 
}iow is it to-day with the Othomi'^ the Totonacs ? the 
Miztecas ? the Zapatecs ? the Aztecs ? the Olmecs ? and 
tlie Toltecs ? 

Safely may it be premised that nothing can be 
clearer to the apprehension of the observant and well- 
informed student of the operations of nature, than 
tliat all the aboriginal tribes of both ISTorth and South 
America are now in course of rapid extinction. Truly, 



150 PALEONTOLOGY. 

too, "tliis is the Lord's doing; it is marvelous in our 
eyes." 

How mysteriously and inexorably true it is, as 
Cuvier has remarked, that " death is a natural and 
necessary consequence of life " ! 

From the largest creatures to the smallest, and from 
those that are ranked as the most intellectual and re- 
fined to those that are reckoned the most brainless and 
grovelling, all that are not dead, all individuals and 
tribes and orders, alike, are sure to die, — the weaker 
and the worse first ; the stronger and the better after- 
ward. Even men themselves, as we have already 
seen, — the various races of men, but more especially 
the black and brown races, — are severely and sadly 
subject to the operation of these natural laws. The 
following brief extract from a source so high and un- 
assailable as our national Census of 1860, is full of 
meaning in this connection : 

"In the interval from 1850 to 1860, the slave popula- 
tion in the United States increased 23.39 per cent., and 
the white population 37.97 per cent., which rates exceed 
that of the free colored by twofold, and three or fourfold, 
respectively ; the increase of the free colored having been 
only 12.33 per cent. Inversely, these comparisons imply 
an excessive mortality among the free colored, which is 
particularly evident in the large cities. Thus, in Boston, 
during the five years ending with 1859, the city registrar 
observes : ^ The number of colored births was one less 
than the number of marriages, and the deaths exceed the 
births in the proportion of nearly two to one.' In Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island, where a very correct registry has been 
in operation under the superintendence of Dr. Snow, the 
deaths are one in twenty-four of the colored ; and in 
Philadelphia during the last six months of the census 
year, the new city registration gives 148 births against 
306 deaths among the free colored." — Preliminary lie- 
2)ort of the U. S. Census, 1860 ; pages 6 and 7. 



PALEONTOLOGY. 151 

Just here, in view of the last foregoing extract, 
the narrow river of my subject, whether for mere 
thought, or for both thought and connnent, widens 
into a broad ocean; and a little further on, whole 
days and weeks and months might be interestingly 
and profitably passed in surveying the vast superficies, 
and in sounding the mighty depths, that lie before us ; 
but already the time allotted for this labor is far 
spent; and the call to another task must now be 
obeyed. 



CHAPTEE ly. 

STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NTBI^ERS ; 

AND WHAT THEY SHOW 

OF THE 

MATEEIAL, MENTAL AND MORAL PROGRESS 

OF THE 

VARIOUS COMMUNITIES AND DIVISIONS 

OF THE 

AMERICAN PEOPLE. 

Philosophy triumphs easily over past, and over future evils, but present evils 
triumph over philosophy.— Rochefoucauld. 

Take away the sword ; 
States can be saved without it ; bring the pen !— Bulwer. 

In these times of consummate revolution in our 
political, civil and social relations, when success and 
exultation mark the hour on one hand, and defeat and 
dissatisfaction on the other, a general retrospect of 
our actions, with a view of determining whether our 
fidelity to the principles of republican government has 
led us, without due warrant, to infringe upon the 
rights of any portion of the people with whom we are 
federalized, would seem to evince but a just and rea- 
sonable regard for the honor and the interests of all 
concerned. Whatever of our proceedings may not have 
resulted, at any time, from the purest impulses of pru- 
dence and patriotism, and from a sincere desire to deal 

152 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 153 

fliirlj with all men, let us at once condemn and dis- 
own. On the other hand, let us be equally careful not 
to undo any good that we may have accomplished ; 
firmly resolved not to make any apology or concession 
for having performed our obvious duty ; and immova- 
ble in our purpose to enter into no compromise at the 
sacrifice of great principles, upon the maintenance of 
wdiich depends the welfare of a continent. 

What are the canses of the unparalleled contraven- 
tions and disputes which, of late years, have so fre- 
quently occurred, and are still occurring, in our national 
and State legislatures ; in most of our other public as- 
semblies ; and in too many of our private gatherings 'i 
Must we not, partly at least, look for the primitive 
causes of these dissensions and clashinsis in something 



over and beyond, or below, slavery ? Have they not 
their origin in the unconquerable antipathy of two nat- 
urally ditierent and inharmonious elements of our pop- 
ulation ? Two years before the war, one of our ablest 
and most distinguished statesmen declared that there 
was then in progress, throughout the United States, 
as between free labor and slave labor, an " irrepressi- 
ble conflict ;" and he was right ; only he did not go 
to the root of the difficulty. The conflict was not 
merely a struggle for the mastery between two an- 
tagonistic systems of labor; it was an earnest and 
resolute contest for the possession and enjoyment of 
certain American States between two diverse and 
heterogeneous races of men ; and this contest is still 
going on ; nor will it terminate until the weaker and 
less worthy of the two races shall have been totally 
and eternally separated from the other. Whether 
this separation is to be by colonization, by decadence, 
or otherwise, remains to be seen. 

I firmly believe and maintain, and have always be- 
lieved and maintained, that it is not because o^ slavery 
alone, but because of riegroes and slavery^ that the 



154 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NLTklBEES. 

condition of the South is so generally and so obviously 
inferior to the condition of the North. Nor have I 
any faith or expectation whatever that the South will 
ever be able to compare honorably or creditably with 
the North, until, like the North, she practically ac- 
cepts the great truth, that white people are better ma- 
terials for the composition of States, communities 
and families, than are negroes, mulattoes, Indians, or 
Chinese. 

About one half of the territory comprised in all the 
States which now form us into one common country, 
is under the manipulation of the higher and nobler 
orders of white men ; the other half is, for the most 
part, under the manipulation of negroes, mulattoes, 
and pro-slavery and pro-negro whites, who, in a loath- 
some and horrible career of seif-degradation, have not 
scrupled at daily and life-long association and amal- 
gamation with the offscourings of Africa, With fields 
of enterprise of like proportions, and of equal natural 
advantages, thus respectively occupied by two rival sys- 
tems of labor, — white labor and black labor, — each hav- 
ing energetically vied with the other for at least three 
quarters of a century, and both, meanwhile, having 
left behind them, in unmistakable prominence, the re- 
sults of their competition, it becomes an easy task, for 
all intelligent and discriminating minds, to decide 
which is the better, and which the worse. 

Here let me premise, however, — and I do it with a 
full knowledge of the correctness of my premises, — 
that large numbers of well-meaning people at the 
North, as well as at the South, are comparatively ig- 
norant of the many significant, varied, deep and 
undying facts which these two distinctive systems of 
labor have produced. Indeed, so great is the disparity 
of the value and influence of white labor and black 
labor, that a general and thorough knowledge of their 
relative merits, would quickly impart to the one, 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 155 

tlirongliont tlie length and breadth of our country, an 
ever-increasing vitality and power, and as speedily 
prove fatal to the other. For we must not be guilty 
of the shortsightedness of judging of labor abstractly; 
we must also take into consideration the absolute and 
inseparable adjuncts, concomitants and surroundings 
of labor; whether it be the labor of white men, the 
labor of negroes, or the labor of others. 

White communities, in wdiatever part of the world 
they exist, are at once suggestive of Knowledge, Truth, 
Virtue, Industry, Wealth, Progress and Honor ; while 
black communities, whether in Africa, in America, or 
elsev/here, are as unerringly indicative of Ignorance, 
Falsehood, Yice, Idleness, Poverty, Ketrogression, 
and Infamy. Of the substantial and weighty correct- 
ness of these remarks, it is my purpose to adduce, be- 
fore closing this chapter, proofs of the most settled and 
convincing character ; and it is chiefly and especially to 
these proofs that I now solicit the attention of my read- 
ers. An earnest desire to arrive at the real facts of 
the case, and to make these facts patent to all who 
honestly seek them, constitutes the height of my am- 
bition in this regard. On no condition whatever, 
"would I, in the advancement of any scheme, or in the 
furtherance of any cause, be a promulgator of erroneous 
views or unsound principles ; and I shall not presume 
to write of things whereof I know nothing'. 

My observations and experience have, I think, been 
such as to enable me to place right estimates upon the 
fruits of both white labor and negro labor ; and having 
used some diligence in making the most of my oppor- 
tunities, I feel warranted, — though wdth a degree of 
embarrassment, — in giving frank and unequivocal ex- 
pression to the result of my investigations. I am a 
Southern man. I was born and reared, and my father 
and mother, also, were born and reared, in N'orth 
Carolina. More than a century has elapsed since my 



156 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

ancestors established tliemselves there. My father, 
whose death occniTed when I was but nine months of 
age, was a slaveholder ; and as I grew from infancy 
to childhood, and from childhood to manhood, I 
learned, as, by force of habit, (in the absence of any 
counteracting agent,) almost every Southerner learned, 
to look upon negroes and negro slavery as absolutely 
essential constituents of the general plan, harmony 
and perfection of nature, — quite as essential, indeed, 
as fire, air, earth and water. Among the first distinct 
persons or individuals of my recollection, were my 
father's slaves, my own black nurses and playmates, 
Judy, Jinsey, Joe and Jack. 

It is a fact fit to be remembered in this connection, 
that, in every State in the South, and, with very rare 
exceptions, in every county of the South, the number 
of slaveholders of whom each owned but one slave 
greatly preponderated over the number of whom each 
owned exactly two ; while those of whom each owned 
exactly two were much in excess of the number of 
whom each owned exactly three ; and so on to the 
completion of the enumeration, which is finally reached 
in the largest number of negroes held by any one 
citizen of the United States, — a citizen of South Caro- 
lina, who according to the Census of 1860, was the 
owner of more than one thousand slaves.* ^^J P©^'- 
son interested in the details of these facts, can refer to 
them in the elaborate report of the Eighth Census. 

A tolerably correct idea of the numerical scale of 
ascendency from ownership in but one slave to pro- 
prietorship in a thousand, more or less, may be ob- 



* At a time when glavery existed in New York, John Jay, the distinguished 
and exemplary jurist, owned but a single negro, — a negro hoy; of association 
with whom, however, he soon very properly became ^ashamed, and emanci- 
pated him : and, as a matter of course, was himself thenceforth a freer, wiser 
and better man: in other words, all of a gentleman. Like other Northern 
gentlemen, he, once and forever, by a prudent act of manumission and sepa- 
ration, saved himself and family from the further befoulment and degradation 
of having negroes within the precincts of the home circle. 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUIklBEES. 15T 

tained by observing tliat, while the whole number of 
slaveholders in the United States, in 1860, was 384,- 
884, the number of whom each owned but one slave, 
was 77,333 ; the number of whom each owned pre- 
cisely txoo^ 46,165 ; the number of whom each owned 
precisely three^ 34,859 ; the number of whom each 
owned precisely /bi^r, 28,979 ; the number of whom 
each owned precisely five^ 24,278 ; the number of 
whom each owned precisely six^ 20,632 ; the number 
of whom each owned precisely seven^ 17,260 ; the 
number of whom each owned precisely eighty 14,864 ; 
the number of whom each owned precisely niney 
12,522 ; and so on, up (or down, as one may be pleased 
to think and say,) to the unrivalled South Carolinian, 
who owned more than one thousand. In all the States 
of the South, the aggregate number of slaveholders, of 
whom each owned twenty slaves and over, was, in 
1860, only 46,491. Of those of whom each owned one 
hundred slaves and over, the number was only 2,292 ;, 
while of those who were still wealthier, — in this- 
way, — each of whom owned upward of three hundred 
slaves, (including the unmatched South Carolinian, 
who owned the rise of a thousand,) the total number 
was only eighty-eight. 

It will thus be seen that nearly one-foxirth of all the 
slaveholders in the United States, in 1860, were the 
owners each of only one slave; while considerably 
more than half the number were the owners each of 
five or less. My father owned only four slaves ; but his 
ownership of these was a fact that sufiiced to secure 
for him', in the estimation and address of all his neigh- 
bors, the title of Captain, — even before he became one 
in reality, (a captain of militia,) in the war of 1812. 
It had always been a custom, throughout the South, — 
a very foolish and ridiculous custom, — to dub, with a 
title of some sort, more generally a military title, every 
man w^ho surrounded himself with slaves ; and the 



158 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NITMBEES. 

rank of the title was generally in proportion to tlie 
number of slaves owned by the particular person upon 
whom it was conferred. For the man who was not a 
slaveholder, there was no title ; he was plain John 
Smith, — and, half the time, not all of that ; for he 
was frequently designated as Smith only, less the John, 
or John only, less the Smith. He who owned one slave 
at least, was moderately respectable, and was always 
spoken to, and spoken of, as Mr. Brown ; the owner 
of two or three slaves was ''Sqidre Jones; the owner 
of four or five, was Cajytaiii Robinson ; the owner of 
six or eight, was Major Jenkins ; the owner of ten or 
twelve, was Colonel Allen ; and the owner of fifteen 
or twenty, or more, was General Kathbone. Among 
no class of the community were these abundant and 
absurd titles so yjopular, or so pleasing, as among the 
slaveholders themselves; but why they so studiously 
encouraged the use of them, and seemed almost un- 
able to get along without them, I know not, unless it 
was an effort of the imagination to find at least an 
ajyjyarent compensation for the real (if not irreparable,) 
loss of character and manhood which they felt con- 
scious they had sustained in consequence of having 
brought themselves into close and constant contact 
with negroes and mulattoes. 

When I was between twenty and twenty-one years 
of age, I left Xorth Carolina, and, for several months, 
became a resident of the city of New York. Soon 
after attaining my majority, I embarked for San Fran- 
cisco. After residing nearly three years in California, 
I returned to North Carolina. That was in 1854. 
In the following year, 1855, I published a small 
volume, giving some account of life, and the state of 
things generally, in the "Land of Gold." At that 
time, from a circumstance which I will now narrate, 
began my earnest and open opposition to negro 
slavery. 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 15(^ 

Incidentally in the manuscript of the little work 
which I have just mentioned, I took strong ground 
against the continuance of negroes and slavery in South- 
ern cities, arguing, as I still argue, that, as a means of 
success, one of two things. Capital or Talent, is indis- 
pensably necessary in every one who launches himself 
upon, the tumultuous sea of city life; and that, as 
negroes are not possessed of either the one or the 
other requisite, they should all be removed from the 
cities and towns, and put upon the fields, where their 
rude labor could undoubtedly be used to belter ad- 
vantage, both for themselves and for us, and where 
the bad influences resulting in divers ways from their 
weak minds and morals, might, in great measure, be 
diminished. 

In comparison with what I had seen in the South, 
so deep and exciting were the impressions made upon 
me by what I saAV in the ]N"orth, — so universal, irre- 
sistible and overwhelming were the evidences of the 
superiority of white communities over black and bi- 
colored communities, — that, even when writing osten- 
sibly upon other matters, I could not refrain from 
saying something on the relative merits of these two 
very prominent and distinct features of State policy. 
I did say something, — much more, in fact, than has 
ever been put in print. Still, I was not yet wholly 
emancipated from my original pro-slavery predilec- 
tions and proclivities; for, as may be inferred from 
what I have already stated, while I contended that 
slavery (which was, to an alarming and deplorable 
extent, the hot-bed and the nursery of negroes,) should 
at once- and forever cease to exist in all the incorporate 
cities and towns of the South, I was nevertheless 
willing that it should, for a time at least, hold an 
unconditiond lease of life in the rural districts. To 
be candid, however, I felt well assured that, from the 
time of the granting of such lease, the tenure by which 



IGO STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

it would be held, would grow weaker and weaker, 
until, in tlie course of a few years, it would lose all 
force and value, and finally pass away with numerous 
other palpable wrongs and absurdities, which, in future 
generations, are to be known only in history. 

The little book which I had written on California, 
in 1855, was issued to the public through the office of 
the Soiithern Quarterly Review^ which was then pub- 
lished in Baltimore. My publisher there was Mr. 
Charles Mortimer, (more generally called Col. Morti- 
rner,) a strong pro-slavery Tirginian, — but in other re- 
spects a good man, — who, after commencing opera- 
tfons according to contract, examined more carelully 
the views which I had expressed against slavery and 
negroes in our Southern cities ; and gruffly character- 
izing and condemning those views as manifestations of 
the idiosyncrasies of a deluded Abolitionist, he posi- 
tively refused to be, in any manner, instrumental in 
giving them pr.blicity. This piece of pro-slavery 
faithlessness threw me into a dilemma. "What could I 
do ? I was, for a few moments, completely discon- 
certed. Articles of agreement had already been 
signed, and, as my part of the expenses, I had already 
paid into the hands of the publisher, four hundred 
dollars. Paper had been purchased and prepared for 
the press ; the printers, manuscript in hand, had gone 
to work, and I had already corrected most of the proof 
of the first chapter. 

Finding that, under all the circumstances, there was 
no way of escape from the will of the slaveholder, which 
was the slaveholder's law, I at once, under the smart- 
ings of defeat and disgust, relinquished all control of 
the manuscript, and told my publisher to do with it as 
he pleased. Complacently availing himself of the 
perfect liberty which my -reluctant but unavoidable 
withdrawal from my rights in this case gave him, he 
discarded all that I had said against slavery and 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 161 

negroes in the cities, but retained and published the 
few paragraphs which I had written in passive recog- 
nition of slavery in the country. This arbitrary action 
on the part of the editor and proprietor of the SoiUh- 
ern Quarterly Review^ considered in connection with 
numerous other similar proceedings of which I was 
cognizant, and in some of which I had been involved, 
convinced me that there was not, in any part of the 
Souih, at that time, any medium of the press through 
wdiich thought could be disseminated, save only where 
the thinking, honest or dishonest, had been done with 
a view to the more positive security and aggrandize- 
ment of slavery. Deeply impressed with this convic- 
tion, I solemnly vowed that I would, if possible, have 
a hearing on the subject upon which I had been thus 
unjustly silenced ; and, enlivened with this purpose, 
even before leaving Baltimore to return to Xorth Caro- 
lina, I got possession of some of tlie suppressed portions 
of my manuscript. Forming these rejected fragments 
into a basis for future action, I at once assumed to- 
ward slavery an attitude of more direct and deter- 
mined hostility. I had ceased to be the submissive 
victim of an umnitigated despotism. 

Eeturning to ^N'orth Carolina in the autumn of 1855, 
I applied myself assiduously to such publications as 
were within my reach, for tacts, arguments and theo- 
ries bearing upon the two rival and distinct systems 
of life and labor now under consideration. In June, 
1856, only a few days subsequent to the nomination of 
Fremont for the Presidency, I again left Xorth Caro- 
lina, and, by intervals and degrees, traveled north- 
ward ; first to Richmond ; then to Baltimore ; and 
finally, in September of the same year, to IS'ew York. 
While in Bi'ltimore, I assisted in forming there a Ee- 
publican Association, — one of the first, if not the very 
first, that was formed in the South ; but we had held 
but few meetings when, in Temperance Temple, on 



162 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

Gay street, we were brutally assaulted and dispersed 
by a pro-slavery pro-negro mob, — our President, 
Francis S. Corkran, a worthy Quaker, having barely 
escaped with his life. 

My researches and labors, at that particular period, 
resulted in the publication of a volume, which I sup- 
pose it not unlikely some of the readers of these 
present pages have seeu, entitled " The Impending 
Crisis of the South." Into this work, which I made 
a strenuous but unsuccessful efiort to have published 
in Baltimore, I introduced several of the scraps which 
that vigilant guardian of the peoj^les' rights, the 
patriotic editor and proprietor of the jSouthern Quar- 
terly Review^ had clipped and discarded from the 
manuscript of my first little book. As an indication 
of the quality of common sense and republicanism 
that those scraps contained, it is sufficient to remark 
that, on the 20th of March, 1858, nearly three years 
after their rejection from the pro-slavery press in Bal- 
timore, Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, quoted a 
considerable part of one of them in the United States 
Senate, regarding it, doubtless, as one of the strongest 
features of the " Impending Crisis." 

In the process of my conversion from the pro-slavery 
opinions and prejudgments in which, if I may so 
speak, I was born and bred, nothing influenced me so 
much, nothing so whetted my desire for closer 
scrutiny into the two conflicting systems of society, 
nothing so hastened my espousal of the cause of white 
free labor, and certainly nothing so strengthened and 
confirmed me in my utter detestation of negro slaverj^,- 
as the thorough perusal of a certain public document, 
wdiich was published by the government of the United 
States, and popularly known as the report ot the 
Seventh Census. That document, all the better 
authority for anti-slavery men, because it is the work 
of pro-slavery officials, contains a serial mass of facts, — 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 163 

undeniable, literal, absolute facts, — which, if presented 
in their true light, would inevitably bring to the mind 
of every honest inquirer after truth, indisputable 
evidence of the revolting imbecilitj and worthlessness 
of both slavery and negroes. 

The document in question (the exhibit of the Seventh 
Census,) was, as I have already remarked, issued 
under the auspices and direction of the government of 
tlie United States; and that able and experienced 
statistician, J. D. B. De Bow, of Louisiana, formerly 
of South Carolina, — an exceedingly zealous dissemi- 
nator of pro-slavery sentiments, — was appointed to 
superintend the labor of collecting and arranging the 
miscellaneous facts and figures therein recorded. The 
ostensible, and I dare say the real, object of the 
government in the Seventh Census, as well as in all 
preceding and subsequent reports of the same nature, 
was to procure and publish accurate statistical infor- 
mation, exhibiting, in detail, our condition as an en- 
lightened and progressive nation ; but without any 
aUempt whatever at a comparison between white free 
labor and black slave labor ; in other words, between 
Europe in the I^orth and Africa in the South. To a 
portion of our people, such comparisons might, indeed, 
have proved to be invidious ; they certainly proved to 
be so when I made them in my " Impending Crisis of 
the South," although, in presenting to the public my 
tabular statistics, contrasting the strength and achieve- 
ments of the white Xorth with the weakness and short- 
comings of the black South, I confined myself almost 
exclusively to the astounding and irrefutable anti- 
slavery facts which I culled from high pro-slavery 
sources ; that is to say, from the report of the Seventh 
Census, and from other official documents, which were 
issued under the authority of the general government ; 
and this at a time when the general government was 
unfortunately controlled by administrations that re- 



164 STATE STATISTICS A^^D NATIONAL XUMBEKS. 

pealed the Missouri Compromise, and sought to pol- 
lute Kansas and other territories of the West, with 
negroes and negro slavery, rather then have them 
saved as the undefiled and glorious heritage of white 
men and white freedom forever. 

Emblazoned on monuments of paper more enduring 
than tlie hieroglyphic slabs and obelisks of Egypt, are 
indubitable proofs of the material wreck and rnin 
which have, at every point of time, past and present, 
marked the career of negroes and negro slavery. Im- 
pressed, too, on the hearts of the best and wisest of 
mankind, is the conviction, strong and stal)le as the 
consciousness of a God in heaven, that black slavery 
is, in ten thousand ways, unutterably wrong, and that 
white freedom is, in all possible respects, superemi- 
nently right. Implanted, moreover, in the mind of 
every sane citizen of the world, whose inclination 
and assiduity have led him to a thorough investigation 
of the subject, is the assurance, fixed and firm as faith 
in the immortality of the soul, that African- slavery, 
on the one hand, is a promoter of Inertia, Thriftlessness, 
Decay, and Death ; and that Caucasian Liberty, on 
the other hand, — Liberty, the white-clad goddess of 
white men, — is a promoter of Life, Health, Pros- 
perity, and Progress. 

Do my readers require proofs of these affirmations ? 
They shall have them. The leading material, mental 
and moral interests of this mighty American Kepub- 
lic, as aflected by white labor and negro la1)or, are 
perspicuously shown in official facts, which I shall now 
adduce from the Eighth Census. As a majority of 
our more intelligent Americans are aware, our Eiglith 
national Census was taken in I860, the year of the 
culmination of the power of the serai-negro slave States. 
That year was, in every way, in every sense, the great- 
est year that was ever enjoyed or known by the black 



STATE STATISTICS AXD NATIONAL Nr^SIBEES. 165 

South ; let us see how, in that year, she compared 
with the white North. 

The facts were always so plainly and overwhelm- 
ino-ly a«^ahi3t iis in the South, that we never dared to 
bo'ast of Inventive Genius; nor of Mechanical fe kill ; 
nor of Manufactures ; nor of Commerce ; nor ol ^ aviga- 
tion: nor of Fisheries; nor of Mining; nor ot Art; 
nor of Science; nor of Literature; nor of proficiency 
in any other general and important pursuit, except 
Ao-riculture ; but of that, it was the custom of our 
icrnorant and arrogant pro-slavery politicians to boast 
with vociferation,\^s if, indeed, w^e were not behind 
even in that also,— and, hence, shamefully interior m 
everything ! Yes (it is saying a great deal, but yet it 
is a comprehensive truth of national import, and must 
be told,) the white free States of the North, in Ma- 
terial Wealth, in Mind, and in Mf)rals, and m almost 
every other particular, were, in 1860, far, far m ad- 
vance of the black slave States of the S Ji. And 
now for the data, the tests, and the evidences. 

We shall have time, however, to examine only a 
few of the more important statistical comparisons and 
contrasts which may be drawn from the four ponderous 
volumes of the Eighth Census. Of the limited num- 
ber of points and particulars which I am now most 
soHcitous to present, for the consideration of my coun- 
trymen, a clear and perfect understanding can be had 
only by holding in constant remembrance the fact that, 
at the establishment of our National Independence 
in 1781, and at the taking of the First Census, m 1T9U, 
the Southern States possessed nearly twice as much 
territorv as was comprised within the boundaries ot 
the Northern States; and, in this connection it 
should also be remembered that, notwithstanding the 
many admissions of States into the Union, from tinie 
to time, the white free States of the North, up to the 
year 1860, were never once equal, m extent ot tern- 



166 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NU:kIBERS. 

torv, to the black slave States of tlie South. In this 
respect, therefore, from the very foundation of our 
government up to the time of the outbreak of the 
rebellion, the South always enjoyed a very decided 
advantage over the Xortli. 

In 1790, the South had an area of 300,580 square 
miles ; while the area of the IN'orth was only 169,668 
s(piare miles, showing a diiference in favor of the 
South of 130,912 square miles. It was only in the 
number of inhabitants, — and that a very small number, 
that the Xorth had any advantage over the South. 
The aggregate population of the Korth, in 1790, was 
1,968,455; while that of the South was 1,961,372,— 
a difference of only 7,083 in favor of the ISTorth. The 
area of 130,912 square miles of territory which the 
milder and more fertile South possessed over and 
above the area of the ISTorth, certainly compensated, — 
more than compensated, — for the very small number 
of 7,083 iidiabitants, who were then domiciled at the 
North, in excess of the number who w^ere domiciled at 
the South. At that time, Virginia was as preeminently 
the first State in the Union as 'New York is now^ ; her 
population was 748,308 ; while the population of Xew 
York was only 340,120. It is thus apparent that, in 
1790, Virginia had more than twice as many inhabi- 
tants as Xew York. North Carolina was the third 
State in the Union, and was also ahead of New York ; 
her inhabitants, in 1790, numbered 393,751, which 
w^as a majorit}^ of 53,651 over the inhabitants of New 
York. Poor Guineaized North Carolina ! From her 
high rank, as the third State of the Union, in 1790, 
slavery and negroes have reduced her down to her 
present low and obscure condition as a 12th rate State ! 
Very similar and proportional have been the depress- 
ing and degrading effects of slavery and negroes on 
all the other Southern States. Yet, white men and 
freedom, the great Caucasian levers of civilization and 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEKS. 167 

progress, which have been employed with so much 
wisdom and success at the JSTorth, will, in the course 
of time, lift the South out of her misfortunes ; and 
she will then prosper and progress in such manner as 
will be commensurate with the vast and varied re- 
sources which Nature has so kindly bestowed upon 
her. 

In taking a statistical view of the Europeanized 
North and the Africanized South, as they existed in 
1860, attention will first be given to Agriculture, the 
various productions and the respective values of which 
I have here tabulated in detail, — as follows : 



168 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



Wheat, Rye and Oats produced in the White Free States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year 18(50,— according to the United 
States Census. 



White 


Wheat, 


Rye, 


Oats, 


Semi- 
Negro 

Slave 
States. 


Wheat, 1 Rve, 


Oats, 


Free 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


States. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


Cal... 


5,928,470 


52.140 


1.043,006 


Ala. . 


1,218,444 


72,457 


682,179 


Conn. . 


52,401 


618,702 


1,522.218 


Ark.. 


957,601 


78,092 


475.268 


Ill 


23,8:37,023 


951,281 


15,220,029 


Del. . 


912.941 


27,209 


1,046,910 


Ind. .. 


16,848,267 


463,495 


5,317,831 


Fla. . 


2,808 


21,306 


46.899 


Iowa . 


8,449,403 


183,022 


5,887,645 


Ga. .. 


2,544,913 


115,.532 


1,231,817 


Kan... 


194,173 


3.833 


88,325 


Ky. .. 


7,394,809 


1,055,260 


4,617,029 


Me, .. 


233,076 


123,287 


2,988,939 


La. . . . 


32,208 


36,065 


89.377 


Mass. . 


119,783 


388,085 


1,180,075 


Md... 


6,103,480 


518,901 


3,959.298 


Mich. . 


8.336,368 


514,129 


4,036.980 


Miss. 


587,925 


39,474 


221,235 


Minn . 


2,186,993 


121,411 


2.176,002 


Mo.. 


4,227,586 


293,262 


3,680,870 


N. II.. 


238,965 


128.217 


1,329,233 


N. C. 


4,743,706 


436.856 


2,781,860 


N.J... 


1,763.218 


1,439.497 


4.539,132 


S. C. 


1,285,631 


89.091 


936,974 


N. Y.. 


8,681,105 


4.786.905 


35,175,134 


Tenn. 


5,459,268 


257.989 


2,267,814 


Ohio . 


15,119,047 


683,686 


15,409,233 


Texas 


1,478,345 


111,860 


985,889 


Oreg'n 


826,776 


2,704 


885,673 


Va. .. 


13,130,977 


944,330 


10,186,720 


Pa. . . 


13,042,165 


5,474,788 


27,387.147 










R. I... 


1,131 


28.259 


244.453 










Yt. . . . 


437,037 


139,271 


3,630,267 










Wis .. 


15,6.57,458 


883,544 


11,059,260 












121,953,659 


16,993,306 


139,120,582 


50,030,642 4,097,684 


33,210,139 



Indian Corn, Barley and Buckwheat produced in the White Free States and in 
the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the 
United States Census. 



White 

Free 

States, 


Indian 

Corn, 

bushels 

of. 


Barley. 

bushels 

of. 


Buck- 
wheat, 
bushels 
of. - 


Semi- 
Negro 
1 Slave 
■States. 

Ala. . 


Indian 

Corn, 

bushels 

of. 


Barley, 

bushels, 

of. 


Bucft.- 

wheat, 

bushels 

of. 


Cal 


510,708 


4,415,426 


76.887 


33.226,282 


15,1:35 


1,347 


Conn, . . 


2,059,8:35 


20.813 


309,107 


Ark. . 


17.823..588 


3,1.58 


509 


Ill 


115,174,777 


l,o:36,.3;38 


324,117 


Del. . 


3,892,3:37 


3,646 


16,:355 


Ind.... 


71,588,919 


:382,245 


396,989 


Fla.., 


2,834,391 


8,369 




Iowa .. 


42,410,686 


467,103 


21.5.705 


'Oa. .. 


30,776,293 


14.682 


2,023 


Kan 


6,150,727 


4,716 


41,. 575 


Ky. . . 


64,043,6:33 


270,685 


J8,928 


Maine, . 


1,546,071 


802,108 


239.519 


La.... 


16,853,745 


224 


160 


Mass. . 


2,157,063 


1:34,891 


123.202 


Md... 


13,444,922 


17,:3.50 


212,.338 


Mich... 


12,144,676 


307,868 


529,916 


Miss . 


29,057,682 


1,875 


1,699 


Minn... 


2,941,95i 


109.668 


28,0.52 


Mo... 


72,802,157 


228,502 


182,292 


N.H... 


1,414.628 


121,103 


89,996 


In.c. 


.30,078,564 


3,445 


35,924 


N. J.... 


9,723,:3:36 


21,915 


877,386 


s. c. 


1.5,065.606 


11,490 


602 


N, Y, .. 


20,061,049 


4,186,668 


5,126.:307 


Tenn . 


52,089.926 


25,144 


14,481 


Ohio,.. 


73,54:3,190 


1,663,868 


2,370,650 


Texas 


16,500,702 


67,562 


1,:349 


Oregon. 


76,122 


:s6,2.54 


2,749 


Va.... 


38,319,999 


68,846 


478,090 


Pa 

R. I.... 


28,196,821 
461, 49T 


530,714 
40,993 


5,572,024 
3,573 










Vt 


1,525,411 


79,211 


225,415 










Wis. . . . 


7,517,300 


707,307 


38,987 












;399,.504,768 


15.062,209 


16,612,1.36 


436,809,827 


740,113 


966,097 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 169 



Irish Potatoes, Sweet Potatoes, and Peas and Beans produced in the White 
Free States and in the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year 
1S60,— according to the United States Census. 



White 
Free 

States. 


Irish 


Sweet 


Peas and 


Semi- 


Irish 


Sweet 


Peas and 


Potatoes, 


Potatoes 


Beans, 


Negro 


Potatoes, 


Potatoes, 


Beans, 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


Sla've 


bushels 


bushels 


bushels 


of. 


of. 


of. 


States. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


Cal. ... 


1,789.463 


214,307 


165,574 


Ala. .. 


491,646 


5,439,917 


1,482.036 


Conn. . . 


1,833,148 


2,710 


25,864 


Ark.... 


418,010 


1,1366,540 


440.472 


Ill 


5,540,390 


306,154 


108,028 


Del.... 


377,931 


142,213 


. 7,438 


Ind. ... 


3.866,647 


299,516 


79,902 


iFla.... 


18,766 1 1,129,759 


363,217 


Iowa .. 


2,806,720 


51,362 


41,081 


Ga. . . . 


303,789 1 6,508,541 


1,765,214 


Kan. .. 


296,335 


9,965 


9,827 


Ky 


1,756,531 1 1.057.557 


288.346 


Me.. .. 


6,374,617 


1,435 


246.915 


La 


294.655 1 2.060,981 


431,148 


Mass. . 


3.201,901 


616 


45,246 


Md.... 


1,264,429 


236,740 


34,407 


Mich... 


5.261,245 


38,492 


165,128 


Miss. . 


414,320 


4.563,873 


1,954,666 


Minn... 


2,565,485 


792 


18,988 


Mo. . . . 


1,990,850 


335,102 


107,999 


N.H... 


4,137,543 


161 


79,4.54 


N. C... 


830,565 


6,140,039 


1.932,204 


N. J. .. 


4,171,690 


1,034,832 


27.674 


S. c... 


226,735 


4,115,688 


1,728,074 


N. Y... 


26,447,394 


7,529 ;l,609,339 


Tenn . . 


1.182,005 


2.604.672 


547.803 


Ohio .. 


8.695,101 


304,445 i 102,511 


Texas . 


174,182 


1.846.612 


341,961 


Oregon. 


303,319 


335 j 34,407 


Ya. ... 


2,292,398 


1,960,817 


515,168 


Pa 


11,687,467 


103,187 123,090 










R. I.... 


542,909 


946 1 7.698 










Vt 


5,253.498 


623 1 70.654 










Wis.... 


3,818,309 


2,396 ! 99,484 

1 












98,513,181 


2,379,803 13,070,805 


12,036,812 


39,709,051 


11,940,153 



Clover Seed, Grass Seeds and Flax Seed produced in the White Free States 
and in the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year 1860, — accord- 
in"- to the United States Census. 



White 

Free 

States. 


Clover I Grass 

Seed, Seeds, 

bushels I bushels 

of. I of. 


Flax 

Seed, 

bushels 

of. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States. 


Clover 

Seed, 

bushels 

of. 


Grass 

Seeds, 

bushels 

of. 


Flax 

Seed, 

bushels 

of. 


Cal 

Conn 

Ill 

Ind 

Iowa 

Maine . . . 
Mass. ... 
Mich. ... 
Minn. ... 

N.H 

N.J 

N. Y 

Ohio 

Oregon... 

Pa..t 

R.I 

Vt 

Wis 

Kan 


90 

13.671 

18:831 

60.726 

3,454 

48.849 

i;295 

54,408 

4.32 

12.690 

39,205 

106,934 

243.489 

1,433 

247,351 

1,221 

2,445 

3,852 

103 


286 

13,024 

191,273 

34.914 

69,366 

6,306 

4.852 

8,045 

3,182 

5,569 

85,408 

81,625 

54,990 

3,8&3 

57,193 

4,237 

11,587 

26,512 

3,043 


"l09 

8,670 

119,420 1 

5,921 ' 

419 

3J 

118 

30 

3,241 

56,991 

242.420 

6 

24,198 

"331 

4,256 

11 


Ala 

Ark 

Del 

Fla 

Ga 

Ky 

La 

Md 

'Miss. ... 
Mo 

;n. c 

|S. C 

Tenn 

I Texas... 

Va 


244 

95 

3,595 

"635 

2,308 

1 

39,811 

8 

2,216 

332 

28 

8,572 

585 

36,962 


630 
3.168 
1,165 

1.914 

62,561 

700 

3,195 

1.084 
55,713 

3,008 

38 

42,113 

5,228 
53,063 


68 

515 

2,126 

■■96 

28,875 

1,570 

3 

4,656 

20,008 

313 

9,362 

32,691 




860,483 ! 665,295 | 466,491 


95,392 


233.580 


100,313 

. 



170 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



Hay, Hops aad Tobacco produced in the White Free States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the United 
States Census. 



White 


Hay, 
tons ,of. 


Hops, 


Tobacco, 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States. 


Hay, 
tons of. 


Hops, 


Tobacco, 


Free 

States. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


Cal 


305,655 


80 


3.150 


Ala. .. 


62,211 


507 


232,914 


Conn... 


562,425 


959 


6,000.133 


Ark.... 


9,356 


146 


989,980 


Ill 


1,774,554 


7,254 


6,885,262 


Del. .. 


36,973 


414 


9,699 


Ind. ... 


622.426 


27,884 


7,993.378 


Fla. .. 


11.478 




828,815 


Iowa ., 


813.173 


2.078 


303.168 


Ga. . . . 


46,448 


199 


919,318 


Kan. .. 


56.232 


197 


20.349 


Ky. ... 


158.476 


5,899 


108,126.840 


Me. ... 


975,803 


102,987 


1.58^3 


La. ... 


52,721 


27 


39.940 


Mass. . 


665.331 


111.301 


3,233.198 


Md. . . . 


191,744 


2.943 


38.410.965 


Mich. . 


768,256 


60,602 


121.099 


Miss. . 


32,901 


248 


159,141 


Minn... 


179,482 


132 


38,938 


Mo.. 


401.070 


2,265 


25,086,196 


N.H... 


642,741 


130.428 


18,581 


N. C... 


181.365 


1,767 


32,853,250 


N. J.... 


508,726 


3.722 


149,485 


s. c... 


87,587 


122 


104.412 


N. Y... 


3,564,793 


9,671.931 


5,764,582 


Tenn.. 


143.499 


1,581 


43,448,097 


Ohio .. 


1.564,502 


27.583 


25.092.581 


Texas , 


11,865 


123 


97,914 


Oregon. 


27.986 


493 


405 


Va. . . . 


445,133 


10,024 


123,968,312 


Pa. ... 


2,245.413 


43,991 


3,181.586 










R. I.... 


82,722 


50 


705 










Yt 


940,178 


638.677 


12,245 










Wis. .. 


855,037 


135,587 


87,340 












17,155,435 


10,965,886 


58,907,868 


1,872,827 


26,265 


376,175,793 



Cotton, Hemp and Flax produced in the White Free States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the United 
States Census. 



White 
•Free 


Cotton, 
bales of 
400 lbs. 


Hemp, 
tons of. 


Flax, 

pounds 

of. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 


Cotton, 
bales of 
400 lbs. 


Hemp, 
tons of. 


Flax, 

pounds 

of. 


States. 


each. 




States. 


each. 




Cal. ... 








Ala. .. 


989,955 




Ill 


Conn. . 




3 


1,187 


Ark. .. 


367,393 


447 


3,821 


Ill 


1,482 


1,502 


48,235 


Del. .. 




.. 


8,112 


Ind. .. 




4,222 


97.119 


iFla.... 


65.153 


1 




Iowa .. 




651 


30,226 


Ga. ... 


701,840 


31 


3..303 


Kan.... 


61 


44 


1,135 


Ky. . . . 




39,409 


728,234 


Me. ... 




50 


2,997 


La. ... 


777,738 


1 




Mass. . 






165 


Md.... 




272 


14,481 


Mich... 




776 


4.128 


Miss. . 


1,202,507 




50 


Minn... 




109 


1,983 


1 Mo. . . . 


41,188 


19,267 


109,837 


N. H... 




81 


1.347 


N. C... 


145,514 


3,016 


216,490 


N. J.. 




480 


48.651 


s. c... 


353.412 


1 


.344 


N. Y... 




5 


1.518.025 


Tenn.. 


296,464 


2,243 


164,294 


Ohio. . . 




1,212 


832,423 


Texas . 


431,463 


179 


115 


Oregon. 




1 


162 


Va. ... 


12,727 


15 


487,808 


Pa 




46 


312,368 










R.I.... 
















Vt 






7.007 










Wis. .. 




356 


21,644 












1,543 


9,488 


2,978,802 


5, 385, 3 W 


64,882 


1.787,000 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEES. 171 



Cane Sugar, Maple Sugar and Rice produced in the White Free States and in 
the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, in the j^ear I860,— according to 
the United States Census. 



White 

Free 

States. 


Cane Sugar 

hhds. of 

1,000 


Maple 

Sugar, 
pounds 


Rice, 

pounds 

of. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 


CaneSusar 

hhds. of 

1,000 


Maple 
Sugar, 
pounds 


Rice, 

pounds 

of. 


pounds. 


of. 


j States. 


pounds. 


of. 


Cal. . 


,, 




2,140 


Ala. . 


175 


228 


493.465 


Conn.. 






44,259 




Ark . 




3,077 


16,831 


Ill 






134.195 




Del. . 








Ind. .. 






1,541,761 




.Fla. . 


1,669 




223,704 


Iowa . . 






315,436 


.. 


Ga. .. 


1,167 


991 


52,507,6.52 


Kan... 






3.742 




Ky. .. 




380,941 




Me. . 




. 


306.742 




La.... 


221,726 




6,331,2.57 


Mass. . 




. 


1,006,078 




Md. .. 




63,281 




Mich. . 




• 


4,0.51.822 


716 


Miss. 


506 


99 


809,082 


Minn. 






370.669 


3,286 


Mo. . . 


402 


142,028 


9,767 


N. H.. 






2,255,012 




N.C.. 


38 


30,845 


7,593,976 


N.J... 






3.455 




s. c. 


198 


205 


119,100.528 


N. Y.. 






10,816,419 




Tenn . 


2 


115,620 


40.372 


Ohio. . 






3,345,508 




Texas 


5,099 




26,031 


Oreg'n 










Va. .. 




938,103 


8,225 


Pa. . . . 






2,767,.335 












R.I... 


















Vt. ... 






9.897,781 












Wis. . 






1,584,451 
















[38,444,865 


6,142 


230,982 


1,675,218 


187,160,890 



Butter, Cheese and Silk produced in the White Free States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the United 
States Census. 



White 


Butter, 


Cheese, 


Silk, 


1 Semi- 
Negro 


Butter, 


Cheese, 


Silk, 


Free 


pounds 


pounds 


pounds 


pounds 


pounds 


pounda 


States. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


States. 


of. 


of. 


of. 


Cal.... 


3,095,035 


1,343,689 




Ala. . 


6,028,478 


15,923 


315 


Conn. . 


7,020,912 


3,898,411 


18 


Ark. . 


4,067.556 


16,810 


5 


Ill 


28,052,551 


1,818.557 


1,545 


Del. 


1,430,502 


6,579 




Ind. .. 


18,306,651 


605,r>)5 


575 


Fla. . 


408,855 


5.280 




Iowa . 


11,953,666 


918,635 


124 


Ga. .. 


5,439,765 


15..587 


72 


Kan... 


1,093,497 


29,045 


40 


Ky. .. 


11,716,609 


190,400 


340 


Me. .. 


11,687,781 


1,799,862 


73 


La. .. 


1,444.742 


6.150 




Mass. . 


8,297,936 


5,294,090 




Md. . . 


5.265,295 


8,342 


3 


Mich. . 


15.503,482 


1,641,897 


12 


Miss. 


5,006.610 


4,427 


10 


Minn. 


2.957,65:3 


199,314 


52 


Mo. . . 


12.704,837 


259,633 


127 


N. H.. 


6,956,764 


2.232 092 


1 


N.C . 


4,735,495 


51,119 


338 


N.J... 


10,714,447 


182.172 




S. C. 


3.177,934 


1.543 


20 


N. Y.. 


10;3,097,280 


48,548,289 


259 


Tenn. 


10,017,787 


135,575 


71 


Ohio . 


48,543,162 


21,618.893 


7,394 


Texas 


5^50,583 


275,128 


27- 


Oreg'n 


1,000,157 


105.379 




Va. .. 


13,464,722 


280,852 


225 


Pa. .. 


58,653,511 


2,508,566 


.168 










E.I... 

Vt. . . . 
Wis. . 


1,021.767 
15,900,359 
13,611,328 


181.511 
8,215,030 
1,104,300 


"l5 












367,867,939 


102.275.527 


10.271 


90,759,770 


1,273,748 


1,553' 



172 STATE STATISTICS AXD XATIOXAL IsUMEEKS. 



Honey, Beeswax and Wool produced in the White Free States and in the 
Semi-Xegro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the 
Lnited States Census. 



White 


Honey, 

pounds 

of. 


Bees- 


Wool, 


Semi- 
Xegro 
Slave 
States. 


Honev, 


Bees- 


Wool, 


•Free 
States. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


pounds 
of. 


Cal. ... 


12,276 


584 2,683.109 


!Ala. .. 


47.2.33 


100,987 


775,117 


Conn... 


62.730 


4.371 i 335.896 i, Ark. .. 


806,327 


50.949 


410.382 


lU 


1.316.803 


56.730 1 1.989.567 


Del. .. 


66.137 


1.993 


50,201 


Ind. .. 


1.224.489 


34.525 1 2.552.318 


Fla.... 


115,520 


10,899 


59,171 


Iowa .. 


9W.87'; 


34.226 660.858 


1 Ga. . . . 


953,915 


61.505 


946,227 


Kan 


16.944 


1.181 24.746 


1 Ky. . . . 


1,768.692 


68,339 


2,329,105 


Me. ... 


314.685 


8.769 1,495.060 


iLa. ... 


2.55.481 


20.970 


290,847 


Mass. . 


59.125 


3.289 1 377,267 


iMd.... 


193,354 


6.960 


491,511 


Mich... 


76G.282 


41.6:32 1 3.960.888 


Miss. . 


708.237 


42.603 


665,959 


Minn... 


^4.285 


1.544 1 20.388 


Mo. . . . 


1.585,983 


79,190 


2,069.778 


X. H... 


125.142 


4.936 1.160.222 


N. C... 


2,055.969 


170.495 


883.473 


N. J.. 


18.5.925 


8.130 ' 349.250 


S. C... 


526,077 


40.479 


427,102 


N. Y... 


2.369.751 


121.020 9.4.54,474 ! Tenn.. 


1.519,-390 


98.892 


1,405,2:36 


Ohio. . . 


1,459.601 


53.786 10.608.927 1 Texas. 


594,273 


28,123 


1,493,738 


Oregon. 


821 


179 219.012 1 Ya. . . . 


1,431,591 


94,860 


2,510,019 


Pa 


1,402.128 


52.569 1 4.752.522 










R.I... 


5.261 


540 ] 90.699 










Vt 


212.150 


8.794 ' 3.118.950 










Wis. .. 


207,294 


8,008 1,011,933 












10,726.569 


444,813 44.866,086 


12,628,179 


877,244 


14,807,866 



Molasses (Cane, Sorghum and Maple) and Wine produced in the White Free 
States and in the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, in the year I860,— 
according to the United States Census. 



White 
Free 

States. 


Molasses 
(all kinds,) 
gallons of. 


Wine, 
gallons of. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States. 


Molasses 
(all kinds,) 
gallons of. 


Wine, 
gallons of. 


Cal 


.558 


246.518 


: Ala 


140.768 


18,267 


Conn 


2.672 


46.783 


i Ark 


115.728 


1.004 


Ill 


826.6.37 


50.690 


1 Del 


1.613 


683 


Ind 


1,173.957 


102.895 


Fla 


4:36,:357 


.336 


Iowa 


1,222.917 


3.:369 


Ga 


650.259 


27,646 


Kan 


87.6.58 


583 


Ky 


496,781 


179.948 


Me 


32.679 


3.164 


La 


13,4:39.772 


2.912 


Mass 


15.:307 • 


20.915 


' Md 


3,;311 


3,222 


Mich 


165.9.51 


14,427 


Miss 


11.443 


7.262 


Minn 


:37.216 


412 


Mo 


8:36.705 


27,827 


N.H 


43,8:33 


9.401 


N.C 


293,728 


54,064 


N. J 


8.484 
i:32..3.59 


21,083 
61,407 


S. C 

i Tenn 


51.041 
7&3.S65 


24 964 


N. Y 


13.585 


Ohio 


1,149,588 


568,617 


! Texas 


520.770 


14.199 


Oregon 


:315 


2,603 


! Ya 


320,875 


40,808 


Pa. . 


1:37 0.59 


38,621 

507 

2,923 

6,278 








R. I 


20 

16.253 

102.972 








Vt 




Wis 






5.156.435 


1,201,127 


18,103,016 


416,707 



STATE STATISTICS AND I7ATI0XAL NUIMBEKS. 



Value of Orchard Products, value of Garden Products, and value of the Live 
Stock in the White Free States and in the Semi-Xegro Slave States, respect- 
ively, for the year I860,— according to the United States Census. 



White 


Orchard 


Garden 


Live 


Semi- 
Ne^o 
Slave 
States. 


Orchard 


Garden 


Live 


Free 


Products. 


Products, 


Stock. 


Products, 


Products, 


Stock, 


States, 


value of. 


value of. 


value of. 


value of. 


value of. 


value of. 


€al. . . . 


f;T.54,'>36 


$1,161,855 


$35,585,017 : Ala. . . 


$223..312 


$163,062 


$43,411,711 


Conn. . 


.=iOS.84S 


3:37,025 


il.:311,079 Ark. . . 


56,025 


37,845 


22.096.977 


111. . . . 


1,126.323 


38J.027 


72..-;ni.'>3-, oel. . . 


114.225 


37,797 


3,144,706 


Ind 


l,2.T8,ft42 


546.1.53 


.!:,-.-,-.:.. Fla. . . 


21.2.59 


20.828 


5,553,-356 


Iowa . . 


118,377 


169,870 




176.043 


201,916 


38,372,734 


Kan. . . 


656 


:3l,&il 


' \ V 


604,849 


458.245 


61.868,237 


Me 


501,767 


194,006 


i:.i:^;,3:;.J La. . . . 


114,:339 


413,169 


24,546,940 


JNIass.. , 


925,.519 


1,397,6-23 


12.737,744 , Md. . . 


252,196 


5:30,221 


14.667,853 


Mich. . 


1,122,074 


145,883 


23,714,771 Miss. . 


2.54,718 


124.281 


41,891.692 


Minn. , 


649 


174,704 


3.642,841 ' Mo. . . 


810.975 


:346.405 


53,693,673 


n.n... 


557,934 


76,2.56 


10.924,627 ;-N. C. . . 


643.6SS 


75.663 


31,1:30,805 


N . J. . . 


429.402 


1.541,995 


16,1S4,693 1 S. C. . . 


213,989 


187.:348 


23,934,465 


K. Y. • . 


3.726.:M) 


3,a81.596 


103,856,296 ' Tenn. . 


305.003 


303:226 


60,211,425 


Ohio . . 


1,029,309 


907,513 


80,384.819 Tex. . . 


48,047 


178.374 


42,825,447 


Oregon. 


47S.479 


75,605 


5,946.255 : Va 


800.650 


589,467 


47.803,049 


Pa. . . . 


1.47'.i.f»:!7 


l,SmSJi^ 


69.672,726 : 








K. I. . . 


8:3,1 i'jl 


140,291 


2,042,044 1 








Tt. , . . 


211,6'j3 


24,802 


16.241 989, 










Wis. . . 


78,690 


208,7:30 


17,807,3751 












$15,292,896 


$12,287,538 $565,605,316 


$4.&39,3:33 


$3,667,847 


$515,153,070 



Value of Farming Implements and Machinery, and Value of Animals Slaugh- 
tered in the \Vhite Free States and in the Semi-Negro Slave States, re- 
spectively, in the year I860,— according to the United States Census. 



White 

Free 

States. 


Farming Im- 
plements and 
Machinery, 
value of. 


Animals 

Slaughtered. 

value of. 


' Semi- 
Negro 
: Slave 
j States. 


Farming Im- 
plements and 
Machinery, 
value of. 


Animals 

Slaughtered, 

value ol. 


Cal 


$2. .558.. 506 


$3,449,823 


Ala. . 


$7.4-33.178 


$10.2:37,1-31 


Conn 


2,:3;W,481 


;3. 18 1.992 


1 Ark . . . 


4,175.:326 


3 878.990 


111 


17.235.472 


15.032.4:33 


Del. ... 


817.88:3 


.57:3.075 


Ind 


10.457.897 


9.824,204 


Fla. . . . 


900.669 


1.193.904 


Iowa — 


5.:327.0:3;3 


4.4:30.030 


1 Ga 


6.SS4.:387 


10.908.204 


Me. ... 


3.298.327 


2.780.170 


iKy 


7.474.573 


11.640.7:38 


3\Ias8. . . . 


3.894,998 


2,91.5.045 


iLa 


18.WS.225 


2.095.:3:30 


Mich.... 


5.819.8:32 


4,093.:362 


Md 


4.010..529 


2.821.-510 


Minn. .. 


1.018.183 


751.544 


Miss. .. 


8. 826. .512 


7.809.1.53 


2^. H.... 


2.68:3.012 


3,787.-500 


Mo 


8.711.508 


9.844.449 


I^. J 


5.746.567 


4.120.276 


N.C... 


5.873.942 


10.414.546 


-N. Y.... 


29.166.695 


15.841.404 


:S. C... 


6,151.657 


6.072.822 


•Ohio. . . . 


17..5.38,832 


14,725,945 


Tenn... 


8.46.5.792 


12.4:30.768 


Oreg'n . . 


952.313 


648.465 


Texas.. 


6.2.59,452 


5,143.6:35 


Pa.:.... 


22.442.842 


13,-399.375 


Va 


9,392.296 


11,491,027 


R. I 


586.791 


711.723 








Vt 


3,665.955 


2,610.800 








"Wis. ... 


5.7.58.847 


3,365.261 








Kan. . . . 


727,694 


558,174 










$141,219,2:7 


$106,227,476 


$103,986,029 


$106,555,282 



174 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEKS. 



Railroads and Canals in the White Free States and in the Somi-Negro Slave 
States, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the United States Census. 



White 


RAILROADS. 1 


CANALS. 1 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States. 


RAILROADS. 


CANALS. 


Free 
States. 


M„». 


Cost of 
Construction 


Miles. 


Co.t of 
Construction 

■■$6;6oo 

5b',6oo 
6,000 

" 92*000 
6.761,284 
67,751,589 

41,460;i47 
1^200 


Miles. 


Cost 01 
Construction 


Miles. 


Cost of 
Construction 


Cal. . . 
Conn. . 

Ill 

Ind. . . 
Iowa . . 
Kan. . 
Me. . . 
IVIass. . 
:Mich. . 
Minn. . 
N.H. . 
N.J. . 
X. Y. . 
Ohio. . 
Oregon 
Pa. . . 
R.I. . 
Vt. . . 
Wis. . 
Cities . 


70 

603 

2,867 

2,125 

679 

'472 
1,272 

799 

'656 

559 

2,701 

2,999 

4 

2,542 

lOS 

556 

. 92-i 

. 376 


$3,600,000 
21,984,100 
104,944,561 
70.295,148 
19,494,633 

16,576',3?,5 
58,882,328 
31,012,399 

23.20S',659I 
28 997,03^1 
131.320,.54-j' 
111,866,3511 
80,000! 
143,4-1,710 
4.318,827 
23,336,215: 
.33,555,606 
14.286.250 


5 
102 
453 

"50 
5 

"ii 

166 

1,028 

906 

l'349 
.... 


Ala. . . 
Ark.. . 
Del, . . 
Fla. . . 
Ga. . . 

S-:: 

Md. . . 
Mi?s. . 
Mo. . . 
N.C. . 
S.C. , 
Tenu. . 
Tex. . . 
Va. . . 
Cities . 


743 
3s 
136 
401 

1,404 
569 
334 
360 
872 
817 
889 
987 

1,197 
306 

1,771 
26 


$17,591,188 
1,155,000 
4,351,789 
8,628,000 
29,057,74-^ 
19,068,477 
12,020,204 
21,387,157 
24,100,009 
42.342,812 
16.709,793 
22,385,287 
89,5.37,722 
11,232,345 
64,958,807 
576,590 


52 

"i.3 

'"2s 
76S 
99 
184 

"ig 

51 

'm 


$1,400,000 

3,547;551 

' '665,000 
5,000,00a 

10',25'6,309 

' '2'5'o',6oO 
720,000 

8,609)109 




20,310, $541,320,747 


4,076' $116,128,220 


10,870 1 $325,102,722 


1,411 


$30,447,96? 



Value ol Manufactures, Number of Banks and Amount of Bank Capital in the 
White Free States and in the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, for the 
year I860,— according to the United States Census. 



White 
Free 
States. 


Manufactures, 
value of. 


Num- 
ber of 
Banks. 


Amount of 
Bsink Capital. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Sl.^ve 
States. 


Manufa»tures, 
value of. 


Num- 
ber of 
Banks, 


Amount of 
Bank Capital. 


Cal 

Conn. . 
111. . . . 
Ind. . . 
Iowa . . 
Kan. . . 
Me. . . . 
Mass. . 
Mich. . 
Minn. . 
N.H. . . 
N.J. . . 
N.Y. . . 
Ohio . . 
Oregon 
Pa. . . . 
E. I. . . 
Vt. . . . 
Wis. . . 


$68,2.53,228 
81,921.555 
57„=.S0,886 
42.8(13,409 
13,971,325 
4.357,408 
;?8,193,254 

255..-)45.922 
32.(158,3.50 

?,,:;7;).i72 

37,586,4.53 
7O..'}00,104 
37s,s70.939 
121.091.148 
2.976,761 
290.121,188 
40,711,296 
14.037.807 
27,849,407 


'7*4 
74 
97 
12 

1 

174 
4 

'52 
49 

303 
52 

*90 
91 
40 

108 


fi21,512a76 

5,251,225 

4,343.210 

460,450 

52,000 

7,506,890 

64,519,200 

755,465 

5,016;o6o 

7,884.412 

111.441,320 

6,890,839 

25..565;.5S2 
20,865.569 
4,029.240 
7,620.000 


Ala. . . 
Ark. . 
Del. . . 
Fla. . . 
Ga. • . 
Ky. . . 
La. . . 
Md. . . 

&: 

N.C. . 

s. c. . . 
Tenn. . 
Tex. . . 
Va. . . 


$10,5SS..566 
2,880.578 
9,892,902 
2.447,969 
10,925,504 
37,931,240 
15,587.473 
41.735.1.57 
0..590,687 
41.782,731 
10,078,098 
8.615.195 
17.987,225 
6,577.202 
50,652,124 


8 

i-i 

2 
29 
45 
13 
31 

38 
50 
20 
S4 

65 


$4,901,000 

1,040,775 
300,000 
16,689,560 
12,835,670 
24,496,866 
12,568,962 

9,082,951 
6,626,478 
14,962.062 
8,067,03'? 

16,005,156 




!fl,589,412,738 


1,295 


1293,713,578 


$286,873,311 


347 


$128,176,511 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



175 



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176 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NU3*IBEES. 



Libraries (Public, School, College and Church libraries, and the aggregate 
number of VoUimes in the same.) in the White P;-ee States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave State;;, respectively, in the year I860,— according to the United 
States Census. 



White 

Free 

States. 


Libraries, 

number 

of. 


Volumes, 

number 

of. 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States. 


Libraries, 

number 

of. 


Volumes, 

number 

of. 


C'al 


70 

490 

854 

1,12:3 

530 

46 

814 

1.852 

1,120 

89 

306 

725 

8.360 

3,082 

11 

1,416 

302 

336 

599 


149,064 
404,206 
244.394 
467.062 
107,104 
9,735 
405.901 

1,997 151 
250.686 
33,619 
237,312 
433.321 

2.4:36. .576 

790.666 

5.300 

1.344,924 
465,419 
167.429 
150,559 


Ala 

Ark 

Del 

Fla 

Ga 

Ky 

La 

Md 

Miss 

Mo 

N. C 

S. C 

Tenn 

Texas 

Va 


395 
115 
114 
66 
364 
196 
68 

1,074 
166 
310 
301 
2.57 
387 
147 

1,453 


155 275 


Conn 

Ill 


2:3,221 

88,470^ 
46.375 
272,935 
148,012 
116.604 
235.055 
178.745 
184,884 
190,091 
471,542 
245.228 
86,5:38 
543,010 


Ind 

Iowa 

Kan 

Maine 

Mass 

Mich 

Minn 

N.H 

N.J 


N. Y 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pa 


R. I. 




Vt. 




Wis 






22,125 


10,100,458 


5,413 


2.985.985 



Newspapers and Periodicals, (Political. R'^liirious. Literary. Scientific. Artis- 
tic, Comme'-cial. Mechanical and Mi^^cellaneous piiblicaiions,} and Native 
Illiterate White Adults in the White Free States and in the Semi-Negro Slave- 
States, respectively, in I860,— according to the United States Census. 



Free 

White 


Newspapers 
and 

Periodicals, 


Copies 
annually 
Circ;ul:ited, 


Native 
Illiterate 

White 


Semi- 
Nejcro 
Slave 


Newspapers 

and 
Periodicals, 


Copies 
annually 
Circulated, 


Native 
Illiterate 
White 




number of. 


number of. 


number of. 


States. 


number of. 


number of. 


number of. 


Cal.... 


121 


26,111,788 


11,509 


Ala. . 


96 


7,175.444 


37,302 


Conn. . 


55 


9, .555. 672 


925 


Ark . . 


37 


2,122.2:34 


23,587 


Ill 


286 


27,464.764 


39,748 


Del. . 


14 


1,010,776 


11,503 


Ind. .. 


186 


10,090.310 


55.903 


Fla. . 


22 


1,081,600 


5,150 


Iowa . 


130 


6,589,360 


12,903 


Ga. .. 


105 


13,415,444 


43,550 


Kan. . . 


27 


1,565.510 


2.695 


Ky. . . 


72 


13,504,044 


65,749 


Me. .. 


70 


8.333,278 


2,386 


La. . . . 


79 


16,948,000 


15,679 


Mass. . 


122 


102,000,760 


2,004 


Md... 


57 


20.721,472 


33,780 


Mich. . 


118 


11.60fi,596 


8,170 


Miss. 


73 


9,099,784 


1.5,136 


Minn . 


49 


2,344,000 


1,055 


Mo.. 


173 


29,741,464 


51,173 


N. H.. 


20 


1,024.400 


1,093 


N. C. 


74 


4.862,.572 


74,877 


N.J... 


90 


12.801.412 


12,937 


s c. 


45 


3,654,840 


15,792 


N. Y.. 


542 


320,930,884 


26.163 


Tenn. 


83 


10,053,152 


69.262 


Ohio . 


318 


71,767,742 


48,015 


i Texas 


89 


7.855,808 


11,8:32 


Oreg'n 


16 


1,074.640 


1.200 


Va. .. 


139 


26,772,568 


83,300 


Pa. .. 


367 


116.094.480 


44.930 










K. I... 


26 


5.289,280 


1.202 










Vt. ... 


31 


2.579,080 


933 










Wis .. 


155 


10.798,670 


2.663 












2,829 


748,022,656 


276,7:34 


1,101 


168,019,202 


557,672 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEKS. 



ITT 



Churches, their number and Value, in 1860, and the aggregate amount ol 
Voluntar}' Contributions for Religious Purposes in 1859,— that is to say, Con- 
tributioivs for the Bible Cause, for the Tract Cause, for Home and Forei^-n 
Missions, and i jr Sunday Schools, in the White Free States and in the Semi- 
Negro Slave States, respectively, according to the Report of the United 
States Census and other authentic documents. 



White 

Free 


Church- 
es, No. 
of 


Value of 


Contribu- 
tions for 


Semi- 
Negro 


Church- 
es, No. 
of. 


Value of 


Contribu- 
tions for 


Churches. 


Religious 


Slave 


Churches. 


Religious 








Purposes 


States. 




Purposes. 


Cal. ... 


29.3 


$1,853,340 


$8,445 


Ala. . 


1,875 


$1,930,499 


$14,221 


Conn. . . 


802 


6,3.54.205 


119,587 


Ark. . 


1,008 


468.130 


6,52a 


Ill 


2,424 


6,890,810 


63,572 


Del. . 


220 


&46,1.50 


1.924 


I:id. ... 


2,933 


4,065.274 


18,543 


Fla. . 


319 


284.390 


3,873. 


Iowa .. 


949 


1,670,190 


9,408 


Ga. .. 


2,393 


2,440,-391 


17,324 


Kan. .. 


97 


143,9.30 




Ky. .. 


2,179 


3,928.620 


15,431 


Me.. .. 


1,167 


2,886,905 


27,910 


La. .. 


572 


3,160.360 


26,830 


Mass. . 


1,636 


15,393,607 


263,544 


Md. . . 


1,016 


5,516,150 


33,080 


Mich... 


807 


2,-334,040 


19,849 


Miss. 


1,441 


1,633,.315 


7,421 


Minn... 


260 


478,200 


1,847 


Mo. . . 


1.577 


4.509,767 


18,402 


N. H... 


681 


l,913,b92 


30,781 


N.C . 


2,270 


1,999,^27 


io,ioa 


N.J. .. 


1,123 


7,762,705 


44.274 


s. c. 


1,267 


3,481,236 


16,104 


X. Y... 


5,2a7 


35,125,287 


486,202 


Tenn. 


2,311 


2,558,330 


18,114 


Ohio .. 


5,210 


12,988,762 


174,841 


Texas 


1,0.34 


1,095,^54 


6,9.54 


Oregon. 


75 


195,695 


2,958 


Va. .. 


3,105 


5,459,605 


19,09£^ 


Pa 


5,337 


22,581.479 


81.546 










R. I.... 


310 


3,308,350 


18,632 










Vt 


697 


1,800.600 


31,820 










Wis.... 


1,070 


1,973,392 


8,678 












31.160 


$129,720,028 


$1,412,4.37 


22,587 


$.39,311,424 


$215,403 



Area and Population of the White Free States and of the Semi-Negro Slave 
States, respectively, for the year I860,— as shown by the United States Census. 



White 
Free 
States. 






Popu- 


Semi- 






Popu- 


Area. 


Popu- 
lation. 


lation 

to Square 

Mile. 


Negro 
Slave 
States. 


Area. 


Popu- 
lation. 


lation 

to Square 

Mile. 


Cal. . . . 


188,981 


379.994 


2 


Ala. . 


50,722 


964.201 


IS 


Conn.. 


4,750 


460.147 


96 


Ark. . 


52,198 


435,4,50 


8 


Ill 


55,410 


1,711,951 


30 


Del. . 


2,120 


112,216 


52 


Ind. .. 


38,809 


1,3.50,428 


39 


Fla... 


59,268 


140,424 


2 


Iowa . 


55,045 


674.913 


12 


Ga. .. 


58,000 


1,057,286 


18 


Me. .. 


35,000 


628,279 


17 


Ky. .. 


37,680 


1,1.5.5,684 


30 


Mass. . 


7,800 


1,231,066 


157 


La.... 


41,346 


708,002 


17 


Mich. . 


56,4.51 


749.113 


13 


Md... 


11,124 


687,049 


61 


Minn. 


83,581 


172,023 


2 


Miss . 


47,1.56 


791,305 


12 


N. H.. 


9,280 


326.073 


35 


Mo. . . 


65.3.50 


1,182.012 


18 


N.J... 


8,320 


672,035 


80 


N.C. 


50.704 


992,622 


19 


N. Y.. 


47,000 


3,880.735 


82 


s. c. 


a4,ooo 


703,708 


20- 


Ohio . 


39,964 


2,339,511 


58 


Tenn. 


45,600 


1,109,801 


24 


Oreg'n 


95,274 


.52.465 


0,5 


Texas 


274,356 


604,215 


2 


Pa.'!.. 


46,000 


2,906.215 


63 


Va.... 


61,352 


1,596,.318 


26 


R. I... 


1,306 


174,620 


133 










Vt. . . . 


10.212 


315,098 


30 










Wis. . 


5:3,924 


775,881 


14 












832,057 


18,800,557 




890,976 


12,240,293 


•• 



178 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



\'alue of all ttie Real Estate (and Cash Value of Farms only) of the "White 
Free States and of the Semi-Negro Slave States, respectively, for the year 
1S60,— according to the United States Census. 



White 


Value of 


Cash value 


Semi- 
Negro 
Slave 
States 


Value of 


Cash value 


Free 


all the Real 


of 


all the Real 


of 


States. 


Estate. 


Farms only. 


Estate. 


Farms only. 


Cal 


$10-2.7fi6.640 


$48,726,804 


|Ala. ... 


$235,548,553 


$175.824,6>2 


Oonn. . . . 


203,600.-286 


90.830,005 


Ark 


115,761,431 


91.649,773 


Ill 


670.729.441 


408,944.033 


Del 


48.843,4:34 


31,426,:357 


Tud 


463,735.803 


356.712.175 


Fla 


24,906,966 


16.4:3-5,727 


Iowa . . . 


199.639.830 


119,899.547 


Ga 


210.098,682 


157,072,803 


Kan 


20,400.153 


12,258,2:39 


Ky 


. 414,10:3,501 


291,496,955 


Maine... 


139,748,751 


78,688,.525 


La 


353,798,709 


204,789,662 


Mass. .. 


448,18.5,913 


123,2.55,948 


Md 


245,368,-578 


145.973,677 


Mich.... 


257,357,118 


160.836,495 


Miss. .. 


247.180.284 


190.760,367 


Minn.... 


44,2.57,981 


27, .505, 922 


Mo 


392,442,951 


2-30,6-32,126 


N.H.... 


109,807,043 


69,689,761 


N. C... 


179.9.50,1.34 


143,:301,065 


N. J 


3.37,642.584 


180.250,338 


s. c... 


185.043,652 


1.39,6.52.508 


N. Y. ... 


1,591.894,666 


803,343.593 


iTenn... 


39:3.216,262 


271,358,985 


Ohio.... 


958.391,197 


678,132.991 


Texas . . 


191,166.:301 


, 88,101,320 


Oregon.. 


21,919.032 


15.200,593 


Va 


494,898,327 


371,761,661 


Pa 


1,154,528,785 


662 050.707 








R.I 


6.3,197,154 


19,.550..5.53 








Tt 


120.812,819 


94.289,045 








Wis 


223,784,394 


131,117,164 










$7,1.32,408,590 


$4,082,182,4.38 


$3,732,-327,765 


$2,550,247,605 



PwECAPITULATIOJSr. 



BUSHEL-MEASURE PRODUCTS. 



Articles. Bushels, North. 

Wheat, 121,953,059 

Eye, 16,993,306 

Oats, 139,120.582 

Indian Corn, 399,504,768 

Barley, 15,062,209 

BuckWheat, 16,612,136 

Irish Potatoes, 98,513.181 

Sweet Potatoes, 2,379,803 

Peas and Beans, 3.070,868 

Clover Seed, 860,483 

<3ras8 Seeds, 665,295 

Flaxseed, 466,491 



815,202,781 
590,019,803 



Bushels, South. 

50,080,642 

4,097,684 

33,210,139 

436,809,827 

740,113 

966,097 

12,036,813 

39,709,051 

11,940,153 

95.392 

233,580 

100,313 

590,019,803 



Balance 225,182,978 bushels, in favor of the 
White Free States. 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEES. 179 



It will thus be seen that, of the twelve bushel-meas- 
ure products enumerated in the Census of 1860, the 
total quantity of nine of them, namely, Wheat, Rye, 
Oats, Barley, Buckwheat, Irish Potatoes, Clover Seed, 
Grass Seeds and Flaxseed, was so much greater in the 
"White Free States than in the Semi-Xegro Slave 
States, that the difference amounted to 225,182,97S 
bushels ! Of these several products, the difference 
in quantity, in favor of the White Free States, in 1850, 
was onlij 17,434,078 bushels; in 1860, as already 
shown above, the difference was 225,182,978 bushels I 

I will now recapitulate the 

POUND-MEASURE PRODUCTS. 

Articles. Pound?, North. Pounds, South. 

Hay, 38,428,174,400 4,195,132,48a 

Hops, 10,965,886 26,265 

Tobacco, 58,907,868 376,175,793 

Cotton, 617,200 3,154,141,600 

Hemp, 21,253,120 145,335,680 

Flax, 2,978,802 1,737,000 

Cane Sugar, 230,982,000 

Maple Sugar, 38,444,865 1 ,675,218 

Rice, 6,142 187,160,890 

Butter, 367,867,939 90,759,770 

Cheese, 102,275,527 1,273,748 

Silk, 10,271 1,553 

Honey, 10,72o,569 12,628,170 

Beeswax, 444,818 877,244 

Wool, 44,866,086 14,807,866 

39,087,539,488 7,412,715,28(> 

7,412,715,286 

Balance 31,674,824,202 pounds, in favor of the 
White Free States. 

Here it will be observed that, of \hQ fifteen pound- 
measure products reported in the Census of 1860, the 
quantity of eight of them, namely. Hay, Hops, Flax, 
Maple Sugar, Butter, Cheese, Silk and Wool, was in 
the aggregate, vastly greater in the White Free States 
than in the Semi-Negro Slave States, — the total differ- 



J 80 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

-ence in favor of the former being no less tlian 
31,67^,824:,202 pounds ! 

The next matter that claims onr attention is the 
Yahie of the Bushel-measure and Pound-measure Pro- 
ducts of the White Free States and the Semi-Negro 
Slave States, respectively, for the year 1860. 

VALUE OF BUSHEL-MEASURE PRODUCTS. 

Articles. Price. Value, North. Value, South. 

Wheat, 11.50 $183,930,488 $ 75,120,963 

Eye, 1.00 16,993,306 4,097,684 

Oats, 40 55,648,233 13,284,056 

Indian Corn, 60 239,703,861 262,005,896 

Barley, 90 13.555,988 666,102 

Buckwheat, 70 11,628,495 676,268 

Irish Potatoes, 40 39,405,272 4,812,728 

Sweet Potatoes, 30 713,941 11,912,715 

Peas and Beans, 2.00 6,141.736 23.880,306 

Clover Seed, 4.00 3,441.932 371,568 

Grass Seeds, 3.00 1,995,885 700,740 

Flaxseed, 1.50 699,736 150,469 

$572,857,873 $397,679,495 
397,679,495 
Balance $175,158,378 in favor of the 
White Free States. 

VALUE OF POUND-MEASURE PRODUCTS. 

Articles. Price. Value, North. Value, South. 

Hay, 3-5 $230,569,046 $ 25,170,795 

Hops, 15 1,644,883 393.975 

Tobacco, 11 6,479,865 ^ 41,379,387 

€otton, 10 61,720 215,414,160 

Hemp, 5 1,062,656 7,266,784 

Flax, 12 337,456 208,440 

Cane Sugar, 8 18,478,560 

Maple Sugar, 9 3,460,038 150,770 

Rice, 5 30,710 9,358,044 

Butter, 22 80,930,947 19,967,149 

Cheese, 11 11,250,308 140,112 

Silk, 1.25 12,838 1.941 

Honey, 20 2,145,314 2,525,635 

Beeswax, 15 66,722 131,587 

Wool, 35 15,703,130 5,182,753 

$353,755,633 $345,770,042 
345,770,042 
Balance $7,985,591, in favor of the 
White Free States. 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 181 

Tins sum added to the difference in the value of the 
bushel-measure products, makes a grand total of 
$183,143,967, as the amount which represents how 
very much greater was the value of the twenty-seven 
leading products of American agriculture in the 
"White Free States, in 1860, than was the value of the 
same products, the same year, in the Semi-^egro 
Slave States. If to this difference in the value of the 
bushel-measure and pound-measure products of the 
farms and plantations, we add the aggregate difference 
in the value of the orchard and garden products (a 
difference which amounts to $19,283,25-1: to the credit 
of the IN'orth,) we have an increased grand total of 
$202,427,221 in favor of the White Free States! 

Efforts on my part to obtain data fur a full and reli- 
able table of the liquid-measure products of the coun- 
try, have not been successful. When, however, we 
take into consideration the immense quantities of 
Cider, Beer, Ale, Porter, Whiskey, Brandy, Gin, 
Hum, Cordial, Bitters, Wine, Mineral Waters, Ink, 
Coal Oil, Yegetable Oils, Fish and Animal Oils, Per- 
fumery, Flavoring Extracts, Liquid Medicines, Liquid 
Dyes, and Chemical Preparations and Compounds 
generally, which are made at the I^orth, it is plain 
that the South, in an aggregate comparison of these, 
would be to the ^N'orth, only as a vial to a demijohn, 
or as a keg to a hogshead. 

Dissatisfied with the incompleteness of the Census 
reports upon this subject, I wrote, early in February, 
1869, to the Commissioner of the Bureau of Statistics, 
at Washington, for fuller information ; and received, 
a few days afterward, from Francis A. Walker, Esq.. 
Deputy Commissioner, the following reply : 

Teeasury Department, 
H. R. Helper, Esq., Bureau of Statistics, 

Asheville, North Carolina. February 11, 1869 

Sir: 

Your letter of tlie 3d instant is received, and contents noted. 
The Bureau of Statistics lias no source of information at present 



182 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

from wliicli it can obtain the annual product by States of tlie 
several liquid-measure articles which you specify. The nearest 
approach you will probably be able to make to determining these 
facts, at least with reference to any past year, is by using the tables 
in the Reports of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue for the 
years 1866, 1867 and 1868, showing the amount of duties collected 
from each specific source of revenue, by States and Territories, in 
each of those years, and the rate of duty in each case. From these 
data, it will be easy to estimate the amount of yearly production, 
so far as it could be ascertained by the officers of the revenue. 
How far that will fall short of the reality, you can judge as well 
as I ; but if common fame can be trusted, it would not be very safe 
to follow the receipts as a guide to the quantity of whiskey distilled 
in 1866, 1867, or 1868. Your remark that the Census of 1860 makes 
but a meagre exhibit of our liquid-measure products, touches a 
matter with which I am not officially concerned ; but I cannot 
but respond most heartily to your wish that the next Census may 
show something more of what a statistician or a statesman would 
wish to know. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

FRANCIS A. WALKER, 

Deputy Commissioner. 

As constituting a sort of bird's-eye view of the sum 
total of the Agricultural Wealth of the White Free 
States and the Semi-Xegro Slave States, respectively, 
in 1860, the following exhibit is worthy of special 
attention. 



VALUES OF SUNDRY AGRICULTUKAL APPURTENANCES AND 
PRODUCTIONS, 1S60. 

Articles. Value, North. Value, South. 

Farms and Plantations $4,082,183,438 $2,550,247,605 

Farming Implements and Machinery. 141,219,277 103,986,029 

Farm and Plantation Products 926,613,506 743,449,537 

Garden Products 12,287,538 3,667,847 

Orchard Products 15,292,896 4,639,333 

Live Stock 565,605,316 515,153,070 

Animals Slaughtered 106,227,476 106,555,28'^ 

$5,849,428,447 $4,027,698,703 
4,027,698,703 

Difference in favor of the White Free 
States $1,821,729,744 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEES. 183 

TONNAG-E, A^IOUNT AND VALUE OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro 

Slave States, 
Amount, Value. Amount. Value, 

4,313,457 $328,613,221 977,003 $51,781,155 

977,003 51,781,115 



Difference 3,336,459 tons, and $176,832,066, in favor of the White 
Free States. 

EXPORTS, VALUE OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 

$164,383,054 $208,801,807 

164,383,054 



Difference in favor of the Semi-Negro Slave States $ 44,418,753 

Appearances here indicate that the exports of the 
South, in 1860, were, as a matter of monetary value 
to be distinctly credited to the South, forty-four mill- 
ions of dollars greater than the exports of the l!^orth ; 
but these appearances are deceptive. Yery little of 
anything was exported from the South except cotton ; 
and almost every dollar's worth of that was sent abroad 
in Northern bottoms. Th6 gross value of all the 
Southern products which were exported, in 1860, was 
$208,801,807 ; and, of this amount, the sum of $36,- 
000,000 was paid to Northern shipowners and other 
common carriers. During that same year, the South 
bought from the ISTorth, breadstuifs, provisions, dry 
goods, hardware, groceries, jewelry, gew-gaws, wines, 
liquors, medicines, a;nd other necessaries and luxuries, 
of the value of 8230,000,000,— twenty-two millions 
more than the gross value of all her exports ! — and 
yet the exports of tlie South were greater in 1860 
than they had ever been before. 

As a matter of course, the South exported cotton, — 
or rather, it was exported for her ; but this was done 



184: STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMEERS. 

because (tlie cotton being raw,) it could neither be 
eaten nor worn; and it became necessary to exchange 
it for some things that could be eaten, and for other 
things that could be worn. It is plain, therefore, that 
the principal profits which came from cotton were in- 
cidental and indirect profits ; and these, for the most 
part, were reaped by Northern shippers, ^Northern 
brokers, INTorthern insurers, Northern merchants and 
Northern manufacturers. 

"What we have sadly lacked in the South, during the 
last half century, has been an intelligent, patriotic and 
progressive statesmanship. Our pro-slavery politicians 
were, with few and almost powerless exceptions, sheer 
dogmatists and demagogues, whose unnatural and nar- 
row-minded policy has deprived us of a diversity of 
employments : confined us in our operations to a 
single pursuit, — a soil-murdering pursuit, miscalled 
agriculture ; banished hundreds of thousands of our 
native white citizens; prevented the immigration of 
white people from the North and from Europe ; with- 
held from us suitable opportunities for mental, moral 
and polite culture; rendered us ignorant, poor and 
dependent ; and filled our States, not with white men 
and horses, and with other creatures of perfect and 
noble natures, but with negroes, mulattoes and mules. 

BIPORTS, VALUE OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 
$321,580,964 $40,577,007 

40,577,007 

Difference $281,002,957, in favor of the White Free States. 

The value of the Imports of New York alone, in 
1860, was six times greater than the value of the 
Imports of all the Southern States ! 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 185 

FISHERIES, VALUE OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States 
$13,705,102 $515,870 

515,876 



Difference $13,189,316, in favor of the White Free States. 

MANUFACTURES, VALUE OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 
$1,589,412,738 $286,873,311 

286,873,311 



Difference $1,302,539,437, in favor of the White Free States. 

Astounding as the announcement may appear, it is 
nevertheless true, that, in 1860, the manufactures of 
the single State of New York were of greater value 
than was the value of the entire quantities of Cotton, 
Sugar, Rice, Tobacco, Hops, Wool, Silk, Hemp, Flax, 
Flax Seed, Clover Seed, Grass Seeds, Rye, Barley, 
Buckwheat, Potatoes, Honey, Beeswax, Butter and 
Cheese, that were produced, during the same year, 
in all the Southern States ! The value of all our 
Cotton, Sugar, Rice and Tobacco, was less than the 
value of the manufactures of Pennsylvania ! Our 
total crops of Cotton, Sugar and Rice, — three of the 
great staples of our vast South, fell considerably 
short of the value of the manufactures of tiny Massa- 
chusetts ! The value of the manufactures of New 
York alone, in 1860, amounted to nearly $100,000,000 
more than the value of all the manufactures in all 
the Semi-Negro Slave States ! 

BANK CAPITAL, AMOUNT OF, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 
$293,713,578 $128,176,517 

128,176,517 



Difference $165,537,061, in favor of the White Free States. 



186 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



RAILROADS, MILES AND COST OF, 1 860. 





In tlie White 
Free States. 


In the Semi-Negro 
Slave States. 


Miles. 


Cost. 


Miles. Cost. 


20,310 
10,870 


$841,320,747 
325,102,722 


10,870 $325,102,723 



Difieience 9,440 miles, and $516,218,025, in favor of the White 
Free States. 



CANALS, MILES AND COST OF, 1860. 





In the White 
Free States. 


In the Semi-Negro 
Slave States. 


Miles. 


Cost. 


Miles. Cost. 


4,076 
1,411 


$116,128,220 
30,447,968 


1,411 $30,447,968 


Difference 2,265 
Free States. 


miles, and $85,680,252, 


in favor of the White 



REAL ESTATE AND PERSONAL PROPERTY, VALUE OF, 1860. 

rvalue of Real ^ 

In the White Estate $^^13^^408,590 ^ ^^^,328,176,48^) 

Free States. | Value of Personal r ^ > > > 

[ Property 3,195,765,899 

Value of Real 

Estate $3,732,327,765 

Value of Personal 
Property, includ- 
ing the negroes . 4,911,770,418 



In the Semi- 
Negro Slave 
States. 



$8,644,098,183 
Less the fictitious 
value of the 
t negroes 4,000,000,000 

Difference in favor of the White Free States $5,684,078,306 



$4,644,098,183 



The per capita product, in 1860, was about $65.67 
for each person in the Semi-]N'egro Slave States, to 
$106 for each pei'son in the White Free States. 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NLTklBERS. 187 

The increase of tlie White population in the White 
Free States, from 1790 to 1860, was a fraction over 
600 per cent. ; while the increase of the White popu- 
lation in the Semi-ISTegro Slave States, during the ■ 
same period, was a fraction less than 400 per cent. 

From 1850 to 1860, the increase of population in 
the White Free States was 41.24 per cent. ; during 
the same decade, the increase of population in the 
Semi-Negro Slave States was onlj^ 27.83 per cent. 

The average increase of population throughout the 
United States, from 1850 to I860,— for Whites, 
Slaves, and Free i^egroes, — was as follows : Whites, 
37.97 ; Slaves, 23.3'9 ; Free Negroes, 12.33. 

The foregoing statistics aftbrd overwhelming proof, 
in overwhelmins^ proportions, that the Material 
Wealth of the "White Free States, in 1860, was 
vastly greater than the Material Wealth of the Semi- 
]^egro Slave States. What was the Mental condition 
of the South, as compared with the J^orth, at that 
time ? It will be possible for us, on this occasion to 
examine only a few of the principal tests ; but these 
will suffice to show the status of the two sections, 
respectively, in this regard. 



AGGREGATE OF 


PUBLIC, 


SCHOOL, COLLEGE AND CHURCH 




LIBRARIES, IN 1860. 






In the White 
Free States. 


In the Semi-Negro 
Slave States. 


No of 
Libraries. 




No. of 
Volumes. 


No. of No. of 
Libraries. Volumes. 


22,125 
5,413 




10.100,458 

2;985,985 


5,413 2,985,985 



Difference 16,712 libraries, and 7,114,473 volumes, in favor of the 
White Free States. 



188 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBEES. 

POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, LITERARY, SCIENTIFIC, ARTISTIC, 

COMMERCIAL, MECHANICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS, NUMBER 

AND CIRCULATION OF, 1860. 

In the White In the Semi-Negro 

Free States. Slave States. 

Number. Circulation. Number. Circulation. 

3,829 748,022,656 1,101 168,019,202 
1,101 168,019,202 



Difference 1,728 newspapers and periodicals, and 580,003,454 cir- 
culation of copies, in favor of the White Free States. 

PATENTS ISSUED ON NEW LNl^ENTIONS, 1859. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 

4,059 625 

625 



Difference 3,434 in favor of the White Free States. 

NATIVE AMERICAN ILLITERATE WHITE ADULTS, 1860. 

In the White Free States. In the Semi-Negro Slave States. 

276,734 557,672 

276,734 

Greater number of White Ignoramuses in ) ^^^ qoq 
the Semi-Negro Slave States j" ^»"'^^» 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NU^IBEKS. 



189 



Abstract of the Account-Current between tbe White Free States 
and the Semi-Negro Slave States (Free White Labor and Black 
Slave Labor,) according to data obtained, for the most part,, 
from the Census of 1850. 



Black Slave Labor. 


White Free Labor. 


Subject. 


6 

S 


Amount. 


.§1 


Subject. 


6 
1 


Amount. 




Value of Manu- 








Value of Manu- 








factures 


18.50 


165,41,3,027 




factures 


1850 


842,586,058 


5 


Bank Capital .... 


1859 


124,8:^1, .345 




Bank Capital .... 


1859 


295,599.619 


21- 


Tonnage 


" 


958,957 




Tonnage 


'' 


4,185,855 


H- 


Exports and Im- 








Exporfs and Im- 








ports 


" 


220.581,967 




ports •••• 


" 


474,526,140 


21-Z 


Exports alone . . . 


" 


187,626,686 


1-9 


Exports alone . . . 


" 


168,718,424 




Imports alone . . . 


'■'■ 


32,955,281 




Imports alone . . . 


" 


305,807,716 


'9i- 


Canals, miles of. . 


18.58 


1,053 




Canals, miles of. . 


1858 


4,120 


4 


Railroads, " .. 


18.59 


9,729 




Railroads, " . . 


1859 


19,6.57 


2 


Cost of Railroads 


" 


339,463,065 


" 


Cost of Railroads 


" 


878,078,865 


2i 


Patents issued on 








Patents issued on 








new Inventions. 


" 


625 




new Inventions . 


u 


4,059 


6i 


Receipts of Post- 








Receipts of Post- 








age 


" 


1,936,166 




Militia Force 


" 


6,156,665 


31-5 


ISlilitia Force 


" 


962,298 




" 


2,097,867 121-5 


Newspapers and 
Periodicals 








Newspapers and 








1850 


704 




Periodicals 


18.50 


1,790 


2i 


Copies of do. 








Copies of do. 








printed annually 


" 


81,038,693 




printed annually 


'■'■ 


334,146,281 


4 


Pub. Documents 








Pub. Documents 








franked by U. S. 








franked by U.S. 








Senators ... 


1858 


176,500 




Senators 


18.58 


1,019,800 


6 


Public Schools... 


1850 


18,.508 




Public Schools... 


1850 


62,433 


Si 


Teachers of do. . . 




19,307 




Teachers of do... 


'■'■ 


72,621 


3f 


Pupils in do 


" 


581.861 




Pupils in do 

Pifblic Libraries. 


" 


2,769,901 


4i 


Public Libraries. 


1850 


695 




18.50 


14,911 


21i 


"N'olumes in do. . 


" 


649,577 




Volumes in do. . . 


" 


3,888,2.34 


6 


Value of Churches 


" 


21,674,581 




Value of Churches 


" 


67,773,477 


a 


Odd Fellow Con- 








Odd Fellow Con- 








tributions for 








tributions for 








the decade of 








the decade of 








years ending in. 


18.53 


718,319 




years ending in. 


1853 


2,.305,004 


31-5 


Contribution's for 








Contributions for 








Sunday Schools . 


18.57 


9,207 




Sunday Schools. 


1857 


61,175 


6* 


Contributions for 








Contributions for 








the Bible Cause. 


1859 


163,390 


.. 


the Bible Cause. 


1859 


715,620 


H 


Contributions for 








Contributions for j 






the Tract Cause. 


'' 


39,103 




the Tract Cause. 1 " 


129,590 


3* 


Contributions for 








Contributions for j 






Missions in 








Missions in 








General 


li 


6,924 




General .... 


" 


668,123 


96* 


Contributions for 








Contributions for 








Home Missions. 




270 


•• 


Home Missions. 




197,630 


732 



490 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 



Tlie following Statistics are also in apt illustration 
of the greater activity, achievements, and patronage, of 
the mental faculties of the inhabitants of the White 
Free States. 



Occupations, 1860. 

Authors 

Editors 

Publishers (of Books and Music). . 

Booksellers and Stationers 

JSTewsmen 

Artists 

Sculptors 

Philosophical Instrument Makers. 

Surgical Instrument Makers 

Pianoforte Makers 

Organ Builders 



In the White In the Semi-Negro 
Free States. Slave States, 



193 
2,144 

814 
1,489 

827 
3,576 

186 
58 

167 
2,105 

349 

11,908 



18 
835 
103 
387 
109 
901 

19 

'26 
254 



2,630 



On legitimate tests, and on correct data, it is 
scarcely possible, in these matters of the mind, to 
make, as between the jN^orth and the South, any com- 
parison that does not manifest great preponderance 
in favor of tlie White Free States. The Census 
reports, and numerous other public documents of 
unassailable truthfulness, are literally overflowing 
w^ith facts which prove conclusively that, in both 
Mental and Material forces, the White North is, to 
the Black South, as a wise, healthy and wealthy young 
man to an imbecile and squalid infant. 

Of the Morals and Efeligion of the White Free 
States and of the Semi-!N'egro Slave States, respect- 
ively, — what shall be said of these ? In strict reality, 
w^hether men be good, or whether they be bad, and 
wdiat are the precise motives of their actions, are 
facts which, in most cases, can be known only to the 
Deity liimself; for He alone is an omniscient and 
unerring Judge. In all civilized conmmnities, how- 
ever, there are certain outward manifestations of the 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUAEBEES. 191 

feelings and impulses of the heart, — certain visible 
and tangible outcroppings of the soul's desires ; and 
these we find embodied in Churches, in Bibles, in 
Tracts, in voluntary Contributions of Monev for 
Missionary Purposes, and in various other objects 
which have their origin in a spirit of universal charity 
and good will. On a few of the more important 
tests thus alluded to, let us see how the ]^orth and 
the South stood, in contrast, in 1860. 

CHURCHES, NTJMBEK AND VALUE OF, 1860, 

In the White In the Semi-Negrc 
Free States. Slave States. 

Number. Value. Number. Value. 

31,160 $129,720,028 22,587 $39,311,424 
22,587 39,311,424 



Difference 8,573 Churches, and $90,408,604 in favor of the White 
Free States. 



AGGREGATE AMOUNT OF VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTIONS FOR 
RELIGIOUS PURPOSES ; THAT IS TO SAY, CONTRIBU- 
TIONS FOR THE BIBLE CAUSE, FOR THE 
TRACT CAUSE, FOR HOME AND FOREIGN 
MISSIONS, AND FOR SUNDAY SCHOOLS, 
IN THE YEAR 1859 : 

In the White In the Semi-Negro 
Free States. Slave States. 

$1,412,437 $215,403 

215.403 



Difference $1,197,034, in favor of the White Free States. 

For these several religious purposes. White Con- 
necticut gave, in the aggregate, in proportion to popula- 
tion, twenty-five times more than was given by Black 
Virginia. Little White Massachusetts gave fifty thou- 
sand dollars more than was given by the entire big 
Black South; and Caucasian E"ew York alone con- 



192 STATE STATISTICS AKD NATIONAL NUMBEES. 

tributed more tlian twice as much as was contributed 
by all Africa in America. In the White States, the 
sum total of the contributions was equivalent to about 
mcjlit cents by each and every inhabitant. In the 
Black States, the sum total of contributions was equiv- 
«.lent to only about one and three-foiirtk cents by 
each and every inhabitant ; or, if the credit of all the 
^contributions of the Semi-Negro Slave States be given 
only to the whites there, even then the amount is in- 
creased to only about ttoo and one-half cents as the 
medial sum given by each of the persons whose heads 
and hearts and souls have been sullied and belittled 
by life-long association with negroes and negro slavery. 
Charitable donations and bequests, and all manner 
of benefactions and gifts to literary institutions, to 
homes and hospitals for the helpless, and to socie- 
ties and associations for the advancement of science 
and art ; countenance to the makers of difficult and 
costly experiments ; encouragement to the originators 
and unfolders of useful discoveries ; aid to the perfect- 
.ers of new inventions; and assistance to the projectors 
of almost every sort of honorable enterprise ; — liberal 
acts like these are, and always have been, far more 
general, and incomparably more weighty and efiective, 
"at the North than at the South. I have now before 
me two lists of legacies (not to private individuals, but 
to public interests,) amounting, in the aggregate, to 
upward of $17,000,000, — all bequeathed in the United 
States, within the last eight years ; and, excepting the 
princely sums given by that noble-hearted New Eng- 
lander, George Peabody, the total of the several 
amounts donated at the South, is only $264,000 ; leav- 
ing a balance of more than sixteen and one-half millions 
of dollars in favor of the North; and whether the 
greater part of even the small amount that is thus 
credited to 'the South was not, in reality, given by 
White philanthropists resident at the North, or by 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 193 

iN'ortliern philanthropists resident at the South, is, I 
doul^t not, a question of very reasonable suggestion. 

In slavery itself, nor in those affected by slavery, 
in negroes themselves, nor in white people who are 
80 unfortunate and degraded as to be always in con- 
tact with negroes, I have never yet found, nor do I 
ever expect to find, large-heartedness, open-handed- 
ness, benevolent feelings, nor generous impulses. 
Slavery and negroes in the South, or rather, I should 
say negroes and slavery in the Soutli, for, after all, the 
negroes there were the willing, the unprotesting, and 
the guilty bases of slavery ; — it was these black and 
barbarous instruments that made the South, and kept 
the South, as compared with the Korth, poor in pocket, 
weak in mind, and remiss in morals. Peabodys, Coop- 
ers, Cornells, Drews, Stewarts, Astors, Yassars, Gi- 
rards, and other first-class benefactors and patriots are 
always white men, and are almost invariably the out- 
growth of pure white communities. 

Now come I to the particular point upon which I 
have the strongest possible desire to concentrate pub- 
lic attention ; and in this, as in all other matters, I 
am, I trust, influenced by profound feelings of re- 
sponsibility and homage to God, and with due defer- 
ence and love to my fellow-men. 

If we would save the South from a fate far worse 
than the present doom -of Ireland, Hungary, or Poland ; 
if we would avert the calamity of allowing the South- 
ern States to drift ultimately into a condition of bi-col- 
ored hybridity, incongruousness, revolution, anarchy, 
demoralizatioo and ruin, such as we are now forced 
to behold with disgust in Hayti, in San .Domingo, in 
Jamaica, in Mexico, and in Central and Soutli Amer- 
ica ; if we would win back to the Union the solid 
sympathy and support of at least two-thirds of the 
better portion of the population of the South ; if we 
would render the most genial (as regards climate) and 



194 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

the most fertile States of our common country fit and 
desirable places for tlie permanent residence of the 
industrious and progressive people of the J^orth ; and 
if we would, as we should, cement in heart-felt affec- 
tion, and in friendly rivalry, all the States of this con- 
tinent in the grand idea of a White Eepublic, from 
the ]^orth Pole to the Isthmus of Darien, and from 
the Atlantic Main to the Pacific Ocean ; — if we would 
do all these things, as I sincerely believe we ought to 
do them, then, as a preliminary step toward the con- 
summation of such a purpose, it behooves us to accom- 
plish, with as little delay as possible, one of two 
things : We must adopt the sound views which were 
entertained in reference to the different races of men 
by such able and eminent statesmen as Thomas Jef- 
ferson, John Adams, Daniel Webster, Horace Mann, 
and Abraham Lincoln, and so remove and colonize 
the negroes from among us, or we must at once over- 
whelm the South with a white population, so large 
that the negro element there, as at the North, Avill 
cease to be an element of numerical strength. 
Whether we shall do the particular one of these 
two things that ought to be done, and that would be 
best to do, or whether we shall do something else, de- 
pends much upon the intelligent and patriotic action 
of a majority of our voters. For tlie sake of our 
country as a whole, and for the sake of it in all its 
parts, I beseech my fellow-voters throughout the na- 
tion to act wisely, to act well, and to act promptly. 

Before tabulating the foregoing figures from the 
Census of 1860, I declared, and promised to prove, 
that, in Material Wealth, in Mind, in Morals, in Re- 
ligion, and in almost every other good quality, the 
White Free States were, just prior to the war, — as, 
indeed, they had always been, — far in advance of the 
Semi-Negro Slave States. Have I not kept my prom- 



STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NOIBERS. 195 

ise ? Have I not given full and overflowing proofs of 
tlie trntlifulness of my averments ? 

While, toncliiiig Manufactures, Commerce, Bank- 
ing, Insurance, Shipping, Railroads, Telegraphs, Sci- 
ence, Art, Literature, and many other highly remuner- 
ative and ennobling pursuits, the facts in favor of the 
North were too plain to admit of controversy, I have 
shown that, even in Agriculture, (the only industry of 
which the South ever presumed to boast,) the White 
Free States greatly surpassed the Serai-S"egro Slave 
States, — both as regards the aggregate quantities and 
the total values of the things produced. 

As I have already demonstrated, of the twenty-seven 
leading products of agriculture enumerated in the 
Census of 1860, the IN'orth excelled in seventeen ; and 
even the single State of ISTew York, with an area of 
only 47,000 square miles, and a population of less than 
4,000,000, was, in eleven of these products, ahead of 
all the Southern States, wdiich had an aggregate area 
of 890,000 square miles, and a total population of 
more than 12,000,000 ! The eleven products of agri- 
culture in which, in 1860, White E'ew York prepon- 
derated over all the Black South, were Eye, Oats, 
Barley, Buckwheat, Irish Potatoes, Maple Sugar, 
Clover Seed, Hay, Hops, Butter and Cheese. ISTor, 
with most of these products, w^as the difference a small 
matter. ISTew York alone, in 1860, produced 38 times 
more Cheese than w^as produced in all the Southern 
States ; 36 times more Hops ; 6 times more Maple 
Sugar; 5 times more Buckwheat; 5 times more Bar- 
ley ; twice as many bushels of Irish Potatoes ; and 
nearly twice as much Hay. The amount of Flax 
which she produced, and the value of her Orchard and 
Garden products, respectively, w^ere also but a fraction 
less than the corresponding amount and values in all 
the Southern States. Her Manufactures; her Ton- 
nage ; her Imports ; her Libraries ; and her Contribu- 



196 STATE STATISTICS AND NATIONAL NUMBERS. 

tions for Eeligious Purposes, were also mncli greater ; 
and the value of her Churches lacked but a trifle, com- 
paratively, of being equal to the value of all the 
Churches in all the Senii-JSTegro Slave States. 

To the several statistical comparisons and contrasts 
which I have thus drawn before my readers, and to 
other comparisons and contrasts of kindred and equal 
significance, which, at their leisure, they can draw for 
themselves, if they will but take the pains to do so, I 
solemnly solicit close and thoughtful attention. Great 
and glorious as have been many of the events of the 
last few years, events still greater and still more glo- 
rious are, I believe, soon to be developed ; events not 
of war, but of peace, and of the peaceful operations of 
^N'ature. Events of this kind let us by no means repel 
nor retard, but rather welcome and accelerate ; and 
so shall we, both as a nation and as individuals, be 
safe and happy ; safe and happy, because we shall be 
serenely fortified in the exhilarating and delightful 
consciousness, that good only is in store for those who 
live the lives of rational and upright men. 



APPENDIX. 



Showing the Perfect Hakmony, and the Identi- 

CALNESS OF SeNTIMENT AND Pl'EPOSE, THAT 
EXIST BETWEEN " ThE IMPENDING CeISIS 

OF THE South " and all of the 
Author's Later Writings. 



(As is stated on the title-pnge of the work in hand, the Author 

hopes that this Appendix may he read in advance of the 

Text, by all such inattentive persons as may have 

some years ago, in the hahit of reading 

iDith eyes askant.) 



Whoever is afraid of submitting any question, civil or religious, to the test 
Oi free discussion, is more in love with his own opinion than with truth. — 
Locke. 

In the subdued form of an Appendix, it may not be 
improper for me, at this particular time, to adminis- 
ter a mild rebuke to certain Padical and Democratic 
calumniators, who, of late, have been bre^iking the 
Ninth Commandment, with as much apparent uncon- 
cern and impunity as if no such injunction had ever 
formed a part of the Decalogue. I allude particularly 
to those persons, all and singular, who, whether 
through ignorance, through prejudice, or through 
willful perversion of truth, have borne folse witness 
against their neighbor, by declaring and publishing 
that I have, since the publication of my " Impending 
Crisis of the South," changed position on the negro 

197 



19S / APPENDIX. 

question. All declarations of this kind are simply 
untrue. 

In reference to slavery and negroes, and in regard 
to matters and things generally, I hold precisely the 
same opinions now that I entertained when I wrote 
'' The Impending Crisis of the South ;" and with this 
book, my two later books, '' l^ojoque," and " The Ne- 
groes in Negroland," are, I contend, in perfect har- 
mony of sentiment, expression and purpose. Of these 
three books, it follows, then, that, all being consistent 
with each other, if the premises and conclusions of the 
first were correct, the premises and conclusions of the 
second and third are equally so ; — and this is just what 
I claim. 

Among others, several editors, (some of the Radical 
party, and some of the Democratic party,) not know- 
ing what they were talking about, or who, if they did 
know, have evinced far greater aptitude for misrepre- 
sentation than for veracity, have declared that my 
" Impending Crisis" was written especially and point- 
edly in the interest of the negroes, and that now I 
have turned against the negroes ! Not so. In truth, 
I have never been either more or less '' against " the 
negroes than I am at this very time ; and I do not 
think that I have ever been against them in any 
greater degree than was fair and befitting, or than 
was fully jvarranted and required by natural justice 
and common sense. 

As, then, for all those carping critics, editors and 
others, who, of late, have perused my " Impending 
Crisis " for pro-negro sentiments and pro-negro expres- 
sions, they have perused in vain ; with minds prone to 
evil, they have been prompted to look for things 
black, where, as was right and proper, only things 
white could be found ; in brief, they have searched 
diligently (not to say foolishly,) for what never ex- 
isted ; consequently, they are disappointed and vexed ; 



APPEJS^DIX. 199 

but it is to be sincerely hoped that they may soon be- 
come happy in the thinking of good thoughts, in the 
saying of true words, and in the doing of honorable 
deeds ; and as for those half-witted and crotchety 
creatures who have never yet been able to understand 
how it is that a man of sound mind can hate slavery 
without loving negroes, I take this occasion to bequeath 
to them a liberal share of my commisseration. 

But what did I say in my " Impending Crisis ?" I 
said a great deal. Three or four days, or even a 
longer period of time, w^ould be required to read the 
whole book, as books are ordinarily read. I propose 
to detain my readers only a few minutes, by laying 
before them eight or ten brief extracts. To wdiom 
did I dedicate the " Impending Crisis ?" i^ot to the 
negroes, nor to their masters, but, as may be seen by 
reference to the book itself, 

"To 
" The Nox-Slaveholdikg Whites oe the South." 

Plainly and unmistakably, in itself, does that dedi- 
cation show in whose behalf the book was written. 
In the Preface I said, 

" In writing this book, it has been no part of my pur- 
pose to cast unmerited opprobrium upon slaveholders, nor 
to display any special friendliness or sympathy for the 
blacks. I have considered my subject more particularly 
with reference to its economic aspects as regards the 
whites, not with reference, except in a very slight degree, 
to its humanitarian or religious aspects-" 

In the general text of the book, on page 145, I said, 

" All mankind may or may not be the descendants of 
Adam and Eve. In my own humble way of thinking, I 
am frank to confess, I do not believe in the unity of the 
races." 



200 APPENDIX. 

That was my opinion then ; it is my opinion now. 
On page 123, in the form of a sort of emphasized ral- 
lying-cry, I contended for 

" Thorough ORGANizATioiq- and Independent Po- 
litical Action on the Part of the JSTon-Slavehold- 
iNG Whites op the South." 

Again, on the next page (124,) I demanded that 
there should be o^iven 

" The Greatest Possible Encouragement to Free 
White Labor." 

Was not that a good demand ? Would not justice 
and propriety have warranted its vociferation in the 
market-places and on the house-tops throughout the 
Republic ^i On page 85 I said, 

" Confined to the original States in which it existed, 
the system of enforced servitude would soon have been 
disposed of by legislative enactments, and long before the 
present day, by a gradual process that could have shocked 
no interest and alarmed no prejudice, we should have rid 
ourselves not only of African slavery, which is an abomi- 
nation and a curse, but also of the negroes themselves, 
who, in my judgment, whether Aaewed in relation to their 
actual cliaracteristics and condition, or through the strong 
antipathies of the whites, are, to say the least, an unde- 
sirable population." 

Such were my opinions then ; such are my opinions 
now. On page 11:3, the country, at the time I wrote, 
having been in a comparatively wealthy and uncrip- 
pled condition, I advocated the raising of a large 
sum, — 

" One half of which sum would be amply sufficient to 
land every negro in this country on the coast of Africa,, 
whither, if I had the power, I would ship them all within 
the next six months." 



APPENDIX. 201 

That is just what I would have done then, if I had 
had the power ; and that is precisely what I would do 
now, if I had the power. Pursuing this idea of colo- 
nization, (which, after all, w^as but the great idea early 
and ably advanced and elaborated by that first and 
most illustrious Southern abolitionist, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, from whom all of the more rational and influen- 
tial Northern abolitionists took their cue,) I said, on 
page 144, 

" Let us charter all the ocean steamers, packets and 
clipper ships that can be had on liberal terms, and keep 
them constantly plying between the ports of America 
and Africa, until all the slaves who are here held in bond- 
age shall enjoy freedom in the land of their fathers." 

On page 344, while exposing the groundlessness of 
the declarations of the old pro -slavery politicians, that 
the climate of the South is too hot for white men, I 
went on to give several evidences and instances of the 
great numbers of poor white women, who work out in 
the fields of the South every summer; and in the 
course of my remarks upon these evidences and in- 
stances, I used this language, 

^'' The truth is, instead of its being too hot in the South 
for white men, it is too cold for negroes ; and I long to 
see the day arrive when the latter shall have entirely re- 
ceded from their uncongenial homes in America, and 
given full and undivided place to the fornier." 

Again, on page 345, following up my protest against 
the cruel hardships imposed by slavery,, slaveholders 
and negroes on the poor white women of the South, I 
remarked, 

" That any respectable man, — any man with a heart or 
a soul in his composition, — can look upoa these poor toil- 
ing white women without feeling indignant at that ac- 
cursed system of slavery which has entailed on them the 



202 APPENDIX. 

miseries of poverty, ignorance and degradation, I shall 
not do myself the violence to believe. If they and theij* 
husbands, and their sons and daughters, and brothers and 
-sisters, are not righted in some of the more important 
particulars wherein they have been wronged, the -^ault 
shall lie at other doors than my own. In their hehalf 
chiefly, have I tvritten this luork, and imtil my object 
shall have leen accomplished, or until life shall have leen 
extinguished, there shall he no ahatement in my efforts to 
uid them in regaining the natural and inalienable 'prerog- 
atives out of which they have been so craftily sivindled. I 
want to see no more plowing, nor hoeing, nor raking, nor 
^rain-binding, by white women in the Southern States ; 
employment in cotton mills and other factories will be 
far more profitable and congenial to them ; and this they 
shall have within a short period after slavery shall have 
been abohshed." 

Such were my feelings and sentiments then ; the 
same are my feelings and sentiments now. These 
passages, and many more like them, were, as I think, 
among the most wholesome and important that the 
book "contained ; but the party then dominant, the 
Democratic party, purposely blinded itself to every 
truth that threatened the overthrow of its pro-slavery, 
pro-negro enormities ; and as the Radical party, in its 
black career of pro-negro fanaticism, gradually ab- 
sorbed the Republican party, and finally came into 
full power, these passages were all ignored. It is ap- 
parent, therefore, that these better portions of the 
" Impending Crisis " have thns far, by fraud and false- 
hood, been prevented from exercising their intended 
and legitimate influence upon the public mind ; and 
herein, to some degree at least, is explained the reason 
why our country is now newly agitated and tossed, 
and our free institutions again jeopardized, under the 
black and stormy clouds of another impending crisis. 

It may not be inappropriate to mention, in this con- 



APPEIS^DIX. 



203 



nection, a few additional facts concerning " The Im- 
pending Crisis of the South," which, for two principal 
reasons, 1 had very great difiicultj in having published / 
at all; — first with iiiQ pro-slavery puUishers^^ who de- 
nounced the manuscript because it was anti-slavery; 
and next with the anti-slavery ;puUishers, who disap- 
proved the work because it was not written in the in- 
terest of the negroes, but in behalf of the Southern 
JSTon-slaveholding Whites (the most pitiable dupes and 
victims of slavery,) to wliom the book was and is dedi- 
cated. I have now on file, among my old-time papers, 
a regularly executed deposition, made nearly thirteen ^ 
years ago, by Oliver Johnson, Esquire, at that time 
editor of the National Anti-Slavery Standai^d, and 
now one of the editors of the New York Trihune, 
testifying to the fact that I had voluntarily ofi'ered to 
make, through him, to the heaven-approved anti- 
slavery movement of that day, a gratuitous contribii- 
tion of my manuscript, on the sole and simple condi- 
tion, that he would either publish it himself, or cause 
it to be published by some one else. He declined. A 
few months afterward, however, through the suspense 
and expense of a great deal of working and waiting, I 
succeeded in finding a publisher, whose sentiments 
fairly accorded with my own ; and so, thanks to God, 
my work was soon issued from the press in book form. 
The following is a true copy of the deposition to which 
reference is here made. Mr. Johnson, being a Quaker, 
declined to swear ; but, as will be observed, he made 
affirmation^ as is the custom, and the law, with those 
of that highly worthy and honored sect to which he 
belongs. 

(Copy.) 

Personally appeared before me, tliis SOtli day of April, A. D. 
1858, Oliver Johnson, of No. 138 Nassau street, New York, who, 
beinp: by me duly affirmed, deposes and says: That some time 
during the month of February, or March, of last year, 1857, Mr. 



20^ ' APPENDIX. 

Hinton Rowan Helper came to me with a manuscript entitled 
" The Impending Crisis of the South : How to Meet It," remark- 
ing that, inasmuch as his principal object, as a writer, was to place 
the important facts of his work before the largest possible number 
of readers, he would gratuitously relinquish to me all his right, 
title and interest in and to the said manuscript, provided I would 
publish it, or have it published, under such auspices as would 
secure for it a liberal introduction to the public : That I was not 
then in a condition to undertake the publication of said manu- 
script, and for that reason had to refuse it ; notwithstanding the 
fact that the author proposed to let me have it for nothing, if I 
would but agree to publish it and use my best endeavors to give 
it an early and wide-spread circulation. 

Oliver Johnson. 
Subscribed and affirmed before me, " 
the day and year above written. 
H. M. Herrick, 
Commissioner of Deeds, 

By those whose custom it is to read attentively, it 
will be readily perceived that the three following com- 
munications, with which this appendix is brought to a 
close, are self-explaining and conclusive : 

Letter to the New Yoek Tribune, from Mr. A. 
B. BrRDicK, the original (btjt now retired,) pub- 
lisher of the "Impending Crisis of the South." 

No. 27 Willoughby Street, 

Brooklyn, July 9, 1869 
To the Editor of the Neio York Tribune : 

Sir : — Not being in the publishing business any longer, 
I have no interest in writing this communication, except 
to state a fact that may possibly serve to correct an erro- 
neous imj)ression which seems to prevail in certain quar- 
ters. As one of the original publishers of Mr. Helper's 
" Impending Crisis of the South," and as one who knew 
him well during the whole period of the remarkable suc- 
cess of his book, I have of late been frequently asked 
whether he has not changed his views in reference to the 
negro. The book itself is a sufficient answer to all such 
questions. In the dedication, in the preface, and through- 



APPENDIX. 205 

out tlie body of the book, Mr. Helper in his " Impending 
Crisis/' has given unmistakable expression to the verv 
same opinions which he has more fully elaborated in his 
"Nojoque'' and in his "Negroes in Negroland.' lam 
unable to perceive that his opinions have undergone any 
change whatever. 

From the time of my first acquaintance with Mr. 
Helper, about twelve years ago, he has, in all cases, when 
possible, rigidly avoided the patronage of all hotels, res- 
taurants, boarding-houses, and other places, in which 
negroes are employed, not, as he alleges, because he hates 
the negroes, but because he prefers the company and the 
contiguity of white people; and because as he further 
declares, he does not believe that the two races should, 
under any circumstances, be mingled together. He has 
always been zealously in favor of both emancipation and 
colonization, on the plan of Jefferson, Lincoln, and other 
eminent statesmen of the old Republican school. And 
this was one of his greatest objections to slavery, — that it 
kept the two races in juxtaposition, and was, as he be- 
lieved, while generally disadvantageous to the country, 
far more detrimental to the whites than to the blacks. 

A. B. BURDICK. 



Letter from Col. Julian Allen, to the New York 
Evening Post. 

No. 172 Water Street, 

New York, July 11, 1869. 
To the Editor of the New Yorh Evening Post : 

Sir : — I have known Mr. Helper well, and for a great 
part of the time intimately, for the last eighteen years ; 
have known his private opinions ; have read his books ; 
and have always known him as an earnest and consistent 
opponent of slavery, not (as he himself has explained in 
his " Impending Crisis of the South,") because of any 
special friendliness or sympathy for the blacks, but be- 
cause slavery exercised an adverse and degrading influ- 
ence on the whites. The assumption, therefore, by those 



206 APPENDIX. 

who have never read the book, or by those who have read 
it without seeing what was in it, that his " Impending 
Crisis of the South" was a pro-negro book, has no vv-ar- 
rant in the book itself, — as may be seen by any intelhgent 
person who will peruse it. 

Julian Allei^^. 



Letter prom A. H. Eathboi^e, Esq., to the New 
York Times. 

No. 92 Broadway, 

New York, July 13, 1869. 
To the Editor of the Neio York Times : 

Sir : — Without wishing to be understood as either de- 
fending or opposing Mr. Helper's opinions concerning the 
different races of mankind, I cannot withhold the expres- 
sion of my surprise at the somewhat general misapprehen- 
sion which seems to exist upon this point, in connection 
with his " Impending Crisis of the South,"' and two other 
books which he has more recently published. It is said 
by some that he has changed his opinions in reference to 
the negro. This is a mistake. I knew Mr. Helper long 
before he published his "Impending Crisis." In fact, I 
have seen and known much of him during the last seven- 
teen years. From first to last, I have probably been in 
conversation with him at least one thousand times, and 
have read his writings, — especially his " Impending Cri- 
sis " ; — but if he has ever expressed a pro-negro sentiment, 
orally or chirographically, I have neither heard nor seen 
it. It is for his countrymen, and for time, to determine 
whether Mr. Helper is right or wrong ; but it is very cer- 
tain that, believing the whites were, by far, the greater 
sufferers, he has always been inflexibly opposed to all the 
relations and conditions which have kept the two races 
close together ; and this, as I have invariably understood 
him, was one of the principal grounds of his opposition to 
slavery, 

A. H. Kathbone. 



APPENDIX. 20T 

Somewhat abrii23tly I must now bring these pages 
to a close. I have said. My record is before the 
country ; and, beheving that it is eminently right and 
tenable, I mean to stand by it with nnflinching fidel- 
ity. Pushed and twirled • by an involuntary impulse 
within me, my feeble pen has done its work. The 
effects or results I serenely and confidently rest with 
God and good men. I^either here nor elsewhere, nor 
at any time, have I written anything except when 
under the influence of a desire and hope to see a mis- 
statement corrected, an abuse abated, an unwise pol- 
icy abandoned, an impending evil averted, or an unjust 
system abolished ; and although I have been writing 
for the newspapers and other serial publications, either 
as a regular correspondent or as an occasional contrib- 
utor, for more than twenty years, yet I have never 
asked nor received, nor could or would I ask or re- 
ceive, even so much as one cent for anything that I 
have ever written in that way. Moreover, I have 
cheerfully sacrificed, directly and indirectly, within 
the last fifteen years, much time and labor, and many 
thousands of dollars, in my efforts to aid, with all 
possible efficiency, in crushing slavery, and in other- 
wise preventing the deep-rooted demoralization anct 
ruin which would inevitably result from a more gen- 
eral and enduring Africanization of the South. These 
statements are here made, simply as so many evidences 
of the fact, that, in the whole course of my humble liter- 
ary life, from first to last, I have had no ends to serve but 
the ends of honor, truth and justice ; and no ambition 
to gratify, other than what was and is embodied in 
an intense anxiety to see promoted in perpetuity the 
highest and bes'^t interests of the masses of the 
American people. 

THE EJSTD. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX, 



-^■•i*- 



Adams, John, 108. 

^sop's Fable of the Blackamoor, 96. 

Agaesiz, Louis, 132, 133. 

Alabama Claims, 72, 74. 

Allen, Julian, 205. 

American Cyclopaedia, New, 87. 

Animals Slaughtered, 173. 

Area of the States, 177. 

Artists, 190. 

Authors, 190. 

Baker, Mrs. J. S., outraged by a 

negro, 39. 
Baker, Samuel White, 91. 
Bank Capital, 174, 185, 189. 
Barley, 168. 
Beans and Peas, 169. 
Beeswax, 172. 

Black Bastardv in Indiana, 45. 
Booksellers, 190. 
Bowen, T. J., 92. 
British America must all be ours, 73. 

74. 
Brougham, Lord, 134, 135. 
Brown, Mrs. D. D., outraged by a 

negro, 40. 
Bryant, Wm. Cullen, 114. 
Buckwheat, 168. 
Burdick, A. B., 204. 
Burmeister, Dr. Hermann, 145. 147. 
Burton, Kichard F., 91. 
Bushel-Measure Products, 178. 
Butter and Cheese, 171. 

Canals, 174, 186, 189. 

Cane Sugar, 171. 

Carr, James, xi. 

Census of 1850 (Abstract of,) 189. 

Census of 1860, on the negro, 150. 

Centennial Anniversary of our Na- 
tional Independence, 77. 

Certificates of Character required 
from Whites, but not from Blacks, 
63, 64. 

Cheese and Butter, 171. 

Chinese Interlopers, 67-70, 76. 

2D9 



Chrysostom. .53. 

Churches. 177, 189, 191. 

Clover Seed, 1G9. 

Contributions, Keligious, 189, 191, 192. 

Cook, Mrs., outraged by a negro, 42. 

Corkran, Francis S., 162. 

Corn, Indian, 168. 

Cotton, 170. 

Cowley, Abraham, 87. 

Cruickshank, Brodie, 93. 

Cuvier, Baron, 139-143. 

Darwin, Charles, 118. 

De Bow, J. D. B., 163. 

Delinquencies of the Partisan News- 
papers, 47-49. 

Democratic and Radical Warfare 
against Nature, 79-113. 

Depression of our Shipping Interests, 
72. 

Disgraceful Scrambles for Office, 76. 

Drunkenness ought to be Stigmatized 
by the Law as a Crime, and Punish- 
ed accordingly, 77. 

Du Chaillu, Pciul B., 92. 

Dyer, Oliver, 35. 

Earnethal, Simon, 145. 

Editors, 190. 

Ellis, John W., 79-86. 

Exports, 175, 183, 189. 

Extinction of Species. 118, 148, 151. 

Farming Implements, 173. 
Fisheries, 185. 
Flax, 170. 
Flaxseed, 169. 
Foote, Andrew H., 91. 
Froude, J. A.. 15. 
FuUom, S. W., 138. 

Garden Products. 173. 
Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, 18-86. 
George, Henry, 68. 
Grass Seeds, 169. 
Guyot, Arnold, 86. 



210 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Hay, 170. 

Hemp, 170. 

Heudrickson, Mrs., outraged by a 

negro, 42. 
Honey, 172. 
Hops, 170. 
Horace, 88. 

Ignatius of Antioch, 51. 
Illiterate Adults, 188, 
Immigration, v-xi, 75. 
"Impending Crisis" Extracts, 190- 

202. 
Importance of Whitening Up the 

Southern States, 75. 
Imports, 175, 184, 189. 
Indian Corn, 168. 
Inventions, New, 188. 
Irish Potatoes, 169. 

Jay, John, 156. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 96-105. 

Jeremiah (the Jew,) 89. 

Jessup, Wm. J., v, xi. 

Johnson, Oliver. 203. 

Jukes, Joseph Beete, 130-132, 146. 

Kivelly, Miss, outraged by a neiiro. 

41, 4"2. 
Kraff, Louis, 90. 

Land Monopolists, 22. 
Libraries, 176, 187, 189. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 105-103. 
Liquid-Measure Products, 181. 
Live Stock, 173. 
Locke, John, 197. 
London Dispatch, 92. 
London Times, 144. 
Lyell, Sir Charles, 124-130. 
Lynchburer Viniinian, :"). 
Lytton, Sir E. Bulwer, 152. 

Magdalenes of New York, 36. 
Mann, Horace, 94, 110. 
Manufactures, 174, 185, 189. 
Maple Sugar. 171. 
Marsh, George P., 136-138. 
McLaughlin, W. J., xi. 
Metropolitan (negro-waiting) Hotel. 

40,41. 
Meyer, Sigfried, xi. 
Military titles among Slaveholder?, 

157, 158. 
Mill, John Stuart, 93. 95. 
Miller, Hugh, 134. 
Milner, Thomas, 138. 
Milton, John, 87. 
Miscegenation in Cincinnati, 31. 
Missionary Failures in Africa, 90-93. 
Molasses, 172. 
Morehead, John M., 79-86. 
Mortality among the negroes in 1860, 

150. 



Mortimer, Charles, 160. ' 

National Debt must be Paid, 75. 
National Numbers, 152-196 
Negro Coachman in Cincinnati, 31. 
Negro Coachman in Chicago, 33. 
Negroes, Deaths of Free and Slave in 

1860, 150. 
Negroes outrasring White Females, 

38-48, 58, 61, 78. 
Negroites, Kadical and Democraric, 

54-58. 
New Party Inklings, 15-78. 
Newsmen, 190. 

Newspapers, 47-49, 176, 188, 189. 
New York Herald, 18, 43. 
New York Independent, 20. 
New York News, 40, 42. 
New York Star, 41. 
New York Telegram, 42. 
New York Times. 18, 21, 38, 45, 147. 
New York Tribune, 18, 68, 97. 

Oats, 168. 

Organ Builders, 190. 
Orchard Products, 173. 
Owen, Richard, 118-124. 

Paleontology, 114-151. 

Parker, Theodore, 110.111. 

Patents on New Inventions. ISS, 189. 

Paul on Things Different, 86. 

Peas and Beans, 169. 

Peck, Miss, outraged by a negro, 43. 

Philantrophy, Northern, for the negro, 

65. 
Phillips, Wendell, 81-86. 
Philosophical Instrument Makers, 190. 
Piano-forte Makers, 190. 
Poor White Girls of the South, 57-61. 
Pope, Alexander, 87. 
Population of the States, 177. 
Postal Receipts, 189. 
Potatoes, 169. 

Pound-Measure Products, 179. 
Praise of the Negroes by both the 

Democrats and Radicals"! 06. 
Prescott, W. H., 88. 
Proposed Absorption of Mexico and 

Central America, 74. 
Pro-slavery and pro-negro folly at the 

South, 79-86. 
Pro-negro tolly at the North, 81, 86. 
Publishers, 190. 

Radical and Democratic Warfare 

against Nature, 79-113. 
Radical "newspapers" Suppressing 

the Truth about negroes, 47-49. 
Railroads, 174, 186, 189. 
Rape of White Females by negroes, 

38-48, 58-61, 78. 
Rathbone, A. H., 206. 
Real and Personal Property, 178, 186, 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



211 



Reip, Miee, outraged by a negro, 44. 
Kice, 171. 

Rich richer and Poor poorer, 19, 22. 
Rights of White Laborers, 70, 71. 
Riley, Miss, outraged by a negro, 38. 
Rochefoucauld. 152. 
Roman Proverb, 51. 
Rye, 168. 

San Domingo, 75. 

Seaworms, 115, 116. 

Schiller, see Title-p.ige. 

Scott, Anna M., 92 

Sculptors, 190. 

Shakespeare, 89. 

Shipping, American, depressed, 72, 

Sikes, Wirt, 34. 

Silk, 171. 

Slaveholders in 1860, 156, 158. 

Smith, John Pye. 135. 

Song Birds in California, 117. 

South and North in 1790, 165, 166. 

Southern White Unionists, 56, 57. 

Southern White Negroites, 54, 58. 

State Statistics, 132-196. 

Subordination of the Military to the 

Civil Authorities, 75. 
Sugar, 171. 

Summer Night-flies, 116, 117, 
Surgical Instrument Makers, 190. 
Sweet Potatoes, 169. 

Titles among Slaveholders, 157, 158. 



Tobacco, 170. 
Tonnage, 175, 183, 189. 
Trench, R. C, 87. 

Ubiquity of negroes in the South, 52, 

53. 
Union, the. Worthy of Perpetual 

Maintenance, 74. 

Walker, Francis A., 181. 

Walker, Halliburton T., xl. 

Washincjton Republican, 43. 

Washington Star, 43, 76. 

Webster, i^aniel, 17, 109. 

Wells, David A., 19. 

Wheat, 168. 

White Females outraged by negro 
men, 38, 48, 58, 61, 78. 

White Slavites living with negroes, 
55, 56. 

White Unionists of the South, 56, 57. 

White Women working out in South- 
ern Fields, 50, 51. 

Wildman, Mrs., outraged by a negro, 
38. 

Wilson, Prof. Daniel, 148. 

Wilson, Henrv, Senator, 19, 20, 162. 

Wine. 172. 

Woman's Rights, 23-30, 78. 

Women's Work given to negro men, 
23-30, 58-61, 78. 

Wool, rc2. 

Workin- Girls of New York, 34-37. 

Wotton, Sir Henry, 79, 



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